Chapter 3
Research Methodology
3.1. Aims and preparation for this research.
In the original statement of aims for this study one of the most important stated objectives was to listen to what people in various stages of pastoral nomadic life thought of the different development interventions that had been attempted for and amongst them.
The methodological aims in the Research Proposal.
These aims were reiterated and expanded in the original Research Proposal which appears in Annex 2. Within it is a brief statement of methodology to be used in the Case Study of the Waso Borana. This is reproduced here as an introduction to this chapter.
The research will be conducted primarily by interviews with a significant cross section of pastoralists and community leaders living within 4 or at the most 5 different communities of the Borana situated on both sides of the seasonal Ewaso Nyiro river. As this river is an unusual feature of the area the research will reflect the particular problems of their eco-system.
The research will begin by identifying the main elements of pastoral nomadic society where development interventions could be appropriate. Questions will then be made to the Borana interviewees to illicit their evaluation of the various development projects which have been attempted for, on and around them. Every care will be taken to ensure that representatives are chosen from different sectors of the Borana community. This means not just the true pastoralist herdsmen but also those in transition or alternative economic situations: Agro pastoralists, predominantly cultivators, school teachers and wage earners. In practice it has been found easier to get responses from small groups of the same interest or occupation rather than from isolated individuals. The views of Borana women will be included as much as possible with the help of the researcher's wife.
The timing of the field research.
There were two periods of research in the field, a reconnaissance phase from May to August 1992 and data collection from January to March 1993. The fact that during the second period all the above objectives were fulfilled and in most cases exceeded is gratefully attributed to the timely action of the Kenya Army who moved into eastern Isiolo a few days before our arrival. They had been called in to drive out the marauding Somali gunmen and cattle raiders who had been pouring over the border during the preceding months due largely to the activity of United Nations forces trying to suppress the civil war in Somalia. The military presence in the area was not expected to be prolonged but it was long enough to allow freedom of movement and security throughout all the areas where the Waso Borana live in Merti and Garba Tula divisions. Above the good work of the Kenya Army we also acknowledge the goodness of God in sending them and the ample rains between our first and second survey trips which gave the Borana much needed relief from several years of drought and diminished rainfall. Those who survived the lean years with enough animals to give them hope of being able to rebuild their herds were able and willing to sit down as long as necessary during the interview sessions.
The advantages of conducting field research in all seasons.
The benefit of doing field research in periods of both drought and recovery are great as recorded in Annex 3. `The Waso Borana Situation Report.' A relevant section will be included here as it shows the advantages of being able to conduct unhurried, semi residential appraisal amongst semi nomadic pastoralists who have the time and desire to be interviewed. This is an example of what Chambers describes as 'relaxed' appraisal in contrast to the more frequently used but misleading description of 'rapid appraisal'.
1. The Return of the Rains
The most obvious change in the life of the Ewaso Borana during the period under review is the effect of the abundant rains which fell over the whole of Isiolo district between November '92 and January '93. These resulted in the transformation of the grazing lands from sun baked earth and drifting sand to apparently boundless miles of choice pasture. Grasses of all sorts stand two or three feet tall, every bush and tree is laden with green leaves and fresh seeds.
A secondary effect of the rains has been the return of the pastoralists to their semi-permanent grass houses which form such a conspicuous feature of Ewaso Borana society - a line of dome-shaped huts and bomas running along the skyline about two - four kilometres away from the Ewaso Nyiro river. The people have been able to return from the far distant grazing areas and the temporary bomas they had been using last year in what remained of the Lorian Swamp. The abundant grazing and the diminished number of animals allows the cattle to be kept close to the more permanent settlements, barely out of sight of the herd owners, so that a few children can watch them. Most of the adults are staying in the settlements. A few of them who planted gardens may go to bring grain from their shambas along the river banks.
2. Recovery of Strength
One obvious reason for this apparently indolent way of life is that both the people and the cattle are still not fully recovered from the stresses of the long dry period just ended. Many of the older men were exhausted by the struggle to keep their animals alive. All of the herd owners interviewed told of losses during 1992 of between a half and two thirds of their animals, most coming in the last few months from the inevitable result of heavy rain falling on desperately weak animals.
With the natural resilience and optimism which is characteristic of pastoralists, the Borana seem to have recovered emotionally from the trauma of the losses, but are still physically weak as the milk has not yet become plentiful. The primary requirement at present is to rebuild the herds, so all the cows are in calf, meaning that the milk will not come until after another 4 - 6 months. In the meantime the people have to survive on meagre rations and the corn produced in the shambas.
3. The Effect of N.G.O. Feeding Programmes
This has led to another reason why nearly everyone is staying close to the more permanent settlements instead of moving out to the satellite manyattas which they normally use in the main grazing areas. Because of the severe famine conditions which built up to a crisis in 1992, some N.G.O.s have been able to raise the necessary funds to provide food to all the Borana people who would like to receive it. This is not just basic cereal grains but oil, dried milk powder and enriched food for children and babies. These are delivered by truck to the main centres of the community - especially to the settlements which have a chief or assistant chief in residence. The trucks come several times a month but at irregular intervals, so if any Borana wants to receive this food hand-out he has to be there at the distribution point when it arrives. (Hunter. M. Waso Borana Situation Report. pp. 1-2)
Avoiding the weakness of 'Rural Development Tourism'.
The primary objective of listening to the pastoralists was based on an awareness of the weaknesses of many field surveys and project planning exercises. Robert Chambers has enumerated some of these in his writings 1983 to 1993. He sums up most of the inherent weaknesses of the high speed, 'shortest-possible-stay' approach by outsiders as "Rural Development Tourism." This opening statement provides an excellent summary -
"Outsiders under perceive rural poverty. They are attracted to and trapped in urban 'cores' which generate and communicate their own sort of knowledge while rural 'peripheries' are isolated and neglected. The direct rural experience of most urban based outsiders is limited to the brief and hurried visits from urban centres of rural development tourism. These exhibit 6 biases against contact with and learning from the poorer people. These are spatial - urban, tarmac and roadside; project - towards places where there are projects; person - towards those who are better off, men rather than women, users of services and adapters of practices rather than non-users and non-adapters, and those who are active, present and living; seasonal avoiding the bad times of the wet season; diplomatic - not seeking out the poor for fear of giving offense; professional - confined to the concerns of the outsiders specialisation. As a result, the poorer rural people are little seen and even less is the nature of their poverty understood. (Chambers, 1983: 2.)
The methodology used in the research was planned to avoid these biases.. It did not start with the fundamental disadvantage of coming from an urban trap to make the observation and surveys. These were made from the perspective of experience over 30 years of living amongst the rural poor, particularly nomadic pastoralist societies in both East and West Africa.
The value of conducting field research as a married couple.
The researcher also had the advantage of a wife who was willing to accompany him and proved to be a great help during the field research. This gave the advantage of living as a married couple amongst people for whom marriage is normal and single people are inevitably regarded as abnormal. She was able to spend much time with the women in the community, whilst the men were involved in the lengthy and serious discussions that were to become the major feature of the field research. Being a mother of four children and a nurse with many years of experience of tropical diseases and conditions also gave her wide acceptance and generated much indirect goodwill during the research period. This domestic arrangement clearly helped to minimise the gender bias.
Criteria for choosing location of field study.
There were other deliberate decisions made when planning the field research which could be foreseen and prepared for. These can be enumerated as a set of criteria of varying degrees of importance identified during several years that were available for making plans and preparations before time became available to conduct the research.
The normal pattern is total immersion in a village as part of the rite of passage for entry into the professional guild. -- considerable amounts of data are amassed and rich insights often gained. But later the data can become oppressive. The longer the field work, the more the data, and the greater the difficulty of writing up. Through great struggles a few papers are forced out at intervals; but sometimes their erudition is matched only by their practical irrelevance and their inaccessibility to policy-makers, who might not understand them even if they knew the journals and had time to read them. A contribution is then made to the archives of professional knowledge, but not to the alleviation of poverty. Moreover, many social anthropologists have been unable or unwilling to give practical advice. Asked for suggestions about what to do, they might give replies either of the 'that's not my department' type, or on the lines of : 'Give me five years and I will tell you why I need longer before I can tell you why you should proceed with the greatest caution! (Chambers, 1983: 60)
This may be a somewhat hyperbolic presentation of the case but this researcher has had sufficient personal experience of social anthropologists to know that there is much truth in it. There are also numerous examples of Social Anthropologists, who manage to complete their dissertation and gain their hard won Ph.D. only to spend the rest of their lives in sheltered academia or at best, to venture out occasionally to some exotic corner of the world to do a 'spot of consultation'. Hence the 'vacation period survey syndrome' which requires that whatever research or training programme is undertaken must be done during the university long vacations, regardless of seasonal suitability or logistical factors.
Why the Waso Borana attract so many development efforts.
All the above criteria appeared to be best met by choosing the Borana of northern Kenya. The Waso Borana in particular were targetted primarily because of all the pastoralist groups encountered in Africa, they have experienced probably the greatest number and variety of interventions from outside agencies, both government and NGO. The fact that they are one of the first groups that experts and development tourists will come to when travelling north of the capital city Nairobi and around the scenic Mount Kenya may also have something to do with the proliferation of projects that have come their way. It is inevitable in areas where pastoralists live that visitors will have to leave the tarmac roads, but as the Waso area immediately adjoins one of Kenya's major game parks with tourist lodge accommodation, there were undoubted compensations for visiting "experts".
In the original statement of aims for this study one of the most important stated objectives was to listen to what people in various stages of pastoral nomadic life thought of the different development interventions that had been attempted for and amongst them.
The methodological aims in the Research Proposal.
These aims were reiterated and expanded in the original Research Proposal which appears in Annex 2. Within it is a brief statement of methodology to be used in the Case Study of the Waso Borana. This is reproduced here as an introduction to this chapter.
The research will be conducted primarily by interviews with a significant cross section of pastoralists and community leaders living within 4 or at the most 5 different communities of the Borana situated on both sides of the seasonal Ewaso Nyiro river. As this river is an unusual feature of the area the research will reflect the particular problems of their eco-system.
The research will begin by identifying the main elements of pastoral nomadic society where development interventions could be appropriate. Questions will then be made to the Borana interviewees to illicit their evaluation of the various development projects which have been attempted for, on and around them. Every care will be taken to ensure that representatives are chosen from different sectors of the Borana community. This means not just the true pastoralist herdsmen but also those in transition or alternative economic situations: Agro pastoralists, predominantly cultivators, school teachers and wage earners. In practice it has been found easier to get responses from small groups of the same interest or occupation rather than from isolated individuals. The views of Borana women will be included as much as possible with the help of the researcher's wife.
The timing of the field research.
There were two periods of research in the field, a reconnaissance phase from May to August 1992 and data collection from January to March 1993. The fact that during the second period all the above objectives were fulfilled and in most cases exceeded is gratefully attributed to the timely action of the Kenya Army who moved into eastern Isiolo a few days before our arrival. They had been called in to drive out the marauding Somali gunmen and cattle raiders who had been pouring over the border during the preceding months due largely to the activity of United Nations forces trying to suppress the civil war in Somalia. The military presence in the area was not expected to be prolonged but it was long enough to allow freedom of movement and security throughout all the areas where the Waso Borana live in Merti and Garba Tula divisions. Above the good work of the Kenya Army we also acknowledge the goodness of God in sending them and the ample rains between our first and second survey trips which gave the Borana much needed relief from several years of drought and diminished rainfall. Those who survived the lean years with enough animals to give them hope of being able to rebuild their herds were able and willing to sit down as long as necessary during the interview sessions.
The advantages of conducting field research in all seasons.
The benefit of doing field research in periods of both drought and recovery are great as recorded in Annex 3. `The Waso Borana Situation Report.' A relevant section will be included here as it shows the advantages of being able to conduct unhurried, semi residential appraisal amongst semi nomadic pastoralists who have the time and desire to be interviewed. This is an example of what Chambers describes as 'relaxed' appraisal in contrast to the more frequently used but misleading description of 'rapid appraisal'.
1. The Return of the Rains
The most obvious change in the life of the Ewaso Borana during the period under review is the effect of the abundant rains which fell over the whole of Isiolo district between November '92 and January '93. These resulted in the transformation of the grazing lands from sun baked earth and drifting sand to apparently boundless miles of choice pasture. Grasses of all sorts stand two or three feet tall, every bush and tree is laden with green leaves and fresh seeds.
A secondary effect of the rains has been the return of the pastoralists to their semi-permanent grass houses which form such a conspicuous feature of Ewaso Borana society - a line of dome-shaped huts and bomas running along the skyline about two - four kilometres away from the Ewaso Nyiro river. The people have been able to return from the far distant grazing areas and the temporary bomas they had been using last year in what remained of the Lorian Swamp. The abundant grazing and the diminished number of animals allows the cattle to be kept close to the more permanent settlements, barely out of sight of the herd owners, so that a few children can watch them. Most of the adults are staying in the settlements. A few of them who planted gardens may go to bring grain from their shambas along the river banks.
2. Recovery of Strength
One obvious reason for this apparently indolent way of life is that both the people and the cattle are still not fully recovered from the stresses of the long dry period just ended. Many of the older men were exhausted by the struggle to keep their animals alive. All of the herd owners interviewed told of losses during 1992 of between a half and two thirds of their animals, most coming in the last few months from the inevitable result of heavy rain falling on desperately weak animals.
With the natural resilience and optimism which is characteristic of pastoralists, the Borana seem to have recovered emotionally from the trauma of the losses, but are still physically weak as the milk has not yet become plentiful. The primary requirement at present is to rebuild the herds, so all the cows are in calf, meaning that the milk will not come until after another 4 - 6 months. In the meantime the people have to survive on meagre rations and the corn produced in the shambas.
3. The Effect of N.G.O. Feeding Programmes
This has led to another reason why nearly everyone is staying close to the more permanent settlements instead of moving out to the satellite manyattas which they normally use in the main grazing areas. Because of the severe famine conditions which built up to a crisis in 1992, some N.G.O.s have been able to raise the necessary funds to provide food to all the Borana people who would like to receive it. This is not just basic cereal grains but oil, dried milk powder and enriched food for children and babies. These are delivered by truck to the main centres of the community - especially to the settlements which have a chief or assistant chief in residence. The trucks come several times a month but at irregular intervals, so if any Borana wants to receive this food hand-out he has to be there at the distribution point when it arrives. (Hunter. M. Waso Borana Situation Report. pp. 1-2)
Avoiding the weakness of 'Rural Development Tourism'.
The primary objective of listening to the pastoralists was based on an awareness of the weaknesses of many field surveys and project planning exercises. Robert Chambers has enumerated some of these in his writings 1983 to 1993. He sums up most of the inherent weaknesses of the high speed, 'shortest-possible-stay' approach by outsiders as "Rural Development Tourism." This opening statement provides an excellent summary -
"Outsiders under perceive rural poverty. They are attracted to and trapped in urban 'cores' which generate and communicate their own sort of knowledge while rural 'peripheries' are isolated and neglected. The direct rural experience of most urban based outsiders is limited to the brief and hurried visits from urban centres of rural development tourism. These exhibit 6 biases against contact with and learning from the poorer people. These are spatial - urban, tarmac and roadside; project - towards places where there are projects; person - towards those who are better off, men rather than women, users of services and adapters of practices rather than non-users and non-adapters, and those who are active, present and living; seasonal avoiding the bad times of the wet season; diplomatic - not seeking out the poor for fear of giving offense; professional - confined to the concerns of the outsiders specialisation. As a result, the poorer rural people are little seen and even less is the nature of their poverty understood. (Chambers, 1983: 2.)
The methodology used in the research was planned to avoid these biases.. It did not start with the fundamental disadvantage of coming from an urban trap to make the observation and surveys. These were made from the perspective of experience over 30 years of living amongst the rural poor, particularly nomadic pastoralist societies in both East and West Africa.
The value of conducting field research as a married couple.
The researcher also had the advantage of a wife who was willing to accompany him and proved to be a great help during the field research. This gave the advantage of living as a married couple amongst people for whom marriage is normal and single people are inevitably regarded as abnormal. She was able to spend much time with the women in the community, whilst the men were involved in the lengthy and serious discussions that were to become the major feature of the field research. Being a mother of four children and a nurse with many years of experience of tropical diseases and conditions also gave her wide acceptance and generated much indirect goodwill during the research period. This domestic arrangement clearly helped to minimise the gender bias.
Criteria for choosing location of field study.
There were other deliberate decisions made when planning the field research which could be foreseen and prepared for. These can be enumerated as a set of criteria of varying degrees of importance identified during several years that were available for making plans and preparations before time became available to conduct the research.
- To choose a location for the field study which would give the opportunity to observe and listen to the views of a pastoral group who demonstrate a wide range of experiences from varying degrees of nomadism, semi-nomadism, agro-pastoralism and transition to sedentary life with local cultivation, project employment, extension to urban manual labour down to destitution and begging.
- To look for a community who have experienced the widest possible range of development interventions so that the fullest response could be recorded of their evaluation of the different projects and programmes which had been tried, for , amongst and around them.
- To work in a target group amongst whom good relations have been already established, thereby minimising the inevitable drawbacks of being regarded as "an outsider". Because of personal experience with a number of different nomadic pastoral societies in Ethiopia, Sudan, Kenya and Niger, any one of these countries might have been considered . For several reasons the Borana of northern Kenya became the obvious choice even though Ethiopia had provided longer and wider experience during 14 years of project planning and implementation for holistic development as an NGO field worker and administrator.
- To live as close as possible to the target community. What this would mean in practice would obviously depend on the particular community which was chosen. To remain amongst them as long as necessary to earn the trust and cooperation of the community without suffering the usual problems of the social anthropologist which Chambers sums up in one of his catchy headings as "Total immersion: long and lost?" Describing the stereotypical anthropological researcher Chambers writes:
The normal pattern is total immersion in a village as part of the rite of passage for entry into the professional guild. -- considerable amounts of data are amassed and rich insights often gained. But later the data can become oppressive. The longer the field work, the more the data, and the greater the difficulty of writing up. Through great struggles a few papers are forced out at intervals; but sometimes their erudition is matched only by their practical irrelevance and their inaccessibility to policy-makers, who might not understand them even if they knew the journals and had time to read them. A contribution is then made to the archives of professional knowledge, but not to the alleviation of poverty. Moreover, many social anthropologists have been unable or unwilling to give practical advice. Asked for suggestions about what to do, they might give replies either of the 'that's not my department' type, or on the lines of : 'Give me five years and I will tell you why I need longer before I can tell you why you should proceed with the greatest caution! (Chambers, 1983: 60)
This may be a somewhat hyperbolic presentation of the case but this researcher has had sufficient personal experience of social anthropologists to know that there is much truth in it. There are also numerous examples of Social Anthropologists, who manage to complete their dissertation and gain their hard won Ph.D. only to spend the rest of their lives in sheltered academia or at best, to venture out occasionally to some exotic corner of the world to do a 'spot of consultation'. Hence the 'vacation period survey syndrome' which requires that whatever research or training programme is undertaken must be done during the university long vacations, regardless of seasonal suitability or logistical factors.
Why the Waso Borana attract so many development efforts.
All the above criteria appeared to be best met by choosing the Borana of northern Kenya. The Waso Borana in particular were targetted primarily because of all the pastoralist groups encountered in Africa, they have experienced probably the greatest number and variety of interventions from outside agencies, both government and NGO. The fact that they are one of the first groups that experts and development tourists will come to when travelling north of the capital city Nairobi and around the scenic Mount Kenya may also have something to do with the proliferation of projects that have come their way. It is inevitable in areas where pastoralists live that visitors will have to leave the tarmac roads, but as the Waso area immediately adjoins one of Kenya's major game parks with tourist lodge accommodation, there were undoubted compensations for visiting "experts".
3.2. Research based on established relationships.
For this researcher one of the deciding factors in choosing the Waso Borana was that part of his work during the last ten years has given him opportunity to build up some unusually useful and rewarding relationships with key families throughout that area. There is one large government secondary school established in the southern administrative centre of Garba Tula to serve both of the divisions in eastern Isiolo district where the Waso Borana live. This researcher's former role of Project Coordinator for an NGO. working in NE Kenya gave special opportunities and responsibilities in relation to that school. It was a surprisingly sophisticated institution to find in a small desert town with unreliable communications. The school had been built with funds donated by a German charitable organisation using technology and design that would be more appropriate in the donor country. It was a mixed boarding school for about 600 pupils and 50 teachers at primary and secondary levels. All were dependent on a deep bore well and submersible electric pump powered by a diesel generator. As if that was not sufficient potential for problems with high technology in semi desert lowlands, the entire institution was equipped with flush toilets inside the dormitories and dwellings. It is not hard to imagine the difficulties that could arise if any stage of the water delivery system broke down.
The provision of technical support and skilled labour when urgently needed earned this researcher the goodwill of the school teachers and the students who lived in the dormitories. He was also able to recruit an ex-patriate teacher who taught in that school with his wife and family for about seven years.
Getting into the community.
One of the benefits of visiting Garba Tula periodically was the opportunity to go into the bush with this teacher and several older students at a time to visit their families and drink the Borana milk. This is usually served in a soured or 'clabbered' state known as "Iditu". It is not to every visitor's liking but those who do appreciate it and can cheerfully indulge are themselves appreciated. There was never any shortage of volunteers to go on these weekend home-visit trips, so groups of students could be selected to allow visits to particular camps or settlements scattered strategically over the whole target area. This informal programme of periodic home stays went on for several years prior to the decision to make the Waso Borana the focus of the field study. By that time it had provided many good contacts with leading families of Waso Borana society who had the resources or influence to be able to send a child to that secondary school.
Roman Catholic mission support at Garba Tula school.
Those who sent their children to secondary school were not all wealthy, as funds were available from a Roman Catholic priest at Merti called Father Pius. He appeared to be willing to sponsor any student who had the academic ability to pass the difficult competitive entrance requirements to gain a place in Garba Tula secondary school. At the time of our involvement it was regarded as one of the top 12 national schools of Kenya, made famous by its choirs taught by an American English teacher and by its high quality basket ball team. By these unpremeditated means Garba Tula Secondary School became the seed bed of good relationships which were to prove fruitful for the conduct of this field research.
For this researcher one of the deciding factors in choosing the Waso Borana was that part of his work during the last ten years has given him opportunity to build up some unusually useful and rewarding relationships with key families throughout that area. There is one large government secondary school established in the southern administrative centre of Garba Tula to serve both of the divisions in eastern Isiolo district where the Waso Borana live. This researcher's former role of Project Coordinator for an NGO. working in NE Kenya gave special opportunities and responsibilities in relation to that school. It was a surprisingly sophisticated institution to find in a small desert town with unreliable communications. The school had been built with funds donated by a German charitable organisation using technology and design that would be more appropriate in the donor country. It was a mixed boarding school for about 600 pupils and 50 teachers at primary and secondary levels. All were dependent on a deep bore well and submersible electric pump powered by a diesel generator. As if that was not sufficient potential for problems with high technology in semi desert lowlands, the entire institution was equipped with flush toilets inside the dormitories and dwellings. It is not hard to imagine the difficulties that could arise if any stage of the water delivery system broke down.
The provision of technical support and skilled labour when urgently needed earned this researcher the goodwill of the school teachers and the students who lived in the dormitories. He was also able to recruit an ex-patriate teacher who taught in that school with his wife and family for about seven years.
Getting into the community.
One of the benefits of visiting Garba Tula periodically was the opportunity to go into the bush with this teacher and several older students at a time to visit their families and drink the Borana milk. This is usually served in a soured or 'clabbered' state known as "Iditu". It is not to every visitor's liking but those who do appreciate it and can cheerfully indulge are themselves appreciated. There was never any shortage of volunteers to go on these weekend home-visit trips, so groups of students could be selected to allow visits to particular camps or settlements scattered strategically over the whole target area. This informal programme of periodic home stays went on for several years prior to the decision to make the Waso Borana the focus of the field study. By that time it had provided many good contacts with leading families of Waso Borana society who had the resources or influence to be able to send a child to that secondary school.
Roman Catholic mission support at Garba Tula school.
Those who sent their children to secondary school were not all wealthy, as funds were available from a Roman Catholic priest at Merti called Father Pius. He appeared to be willing to sponsor any student who had the academic ability to pass the difficult competitive entrance requirements to gain a place in Garba Tula secondary school. At the time of our involvement it was regarded as one of the top 12 national schools of Kenya, made famous by its choirs taught by an American English teacher and by its high quality basket ball team. By these unpremeditated means Garba Tula Secondary School became the seed bed of good relationships which were to prove fruitful for the conduct of this field research.
3.3. Nomadic research techniques.
During this same period of several years I was becoming familiar with the geography and many of the salient features of Waso Borana. I was also able to make the necessary preparations to have a suitable vehicle in which my wife and I could travel and use as our home during the two field research periods of three months at a time. This was a Land Rover with a tent on the roof that could be folded down in a matter of a few minutes allowing us freedom to move on or to stay as long as we needed to in any one area.
This obviated another of the negative aspects of long term field research noted by Chambers in his review of the pros and cons of village residence. He writes that ..."although it is true that those who try this approach can gain good insights through participant -observation and questioning,....Village residence may mean risks of over generalising from one particular village." ( Chambers, 1983: 59)
Adopting a 'nomadic residential' approach.
By adopting a type of `nomadic or semi-residential approach', this research sought to avoid the potential weakness Chambers mentions. It may be particularly appropriate in nomadic or semi-nomadic societies as the equivalent of village residence in a settled society. In practice this involved staying for several days, even up to two weeks in one community, before moving on to follow up particularly promising leads or invitations. This could be described as an amalgam of the usual form of village residence practiced by traditional social anthropologists combined with more recent research methods, - Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) and even some elements of what is usually described as Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA). The first and earliest of these became officially known as Rapid Rural Appraisal in the late 1970s when the worst examples of rural development tourism began to be exposed. It was also an attempt to escape from what Chambers describes as "survey slavery" with unnecessarily long and often irrelevant questionnaires. He describes RRA as:
"...one of a family of techniques of cost-effective ways in for outsiders. These techniques recognise the trade-offs between the cost of information gathering and its quantity, accuracy, relevance, timelines and actual use. Using "dirty" as a term meaning not cost-effective, they try to avoid both the 'quick-and-dirty' of incompetent rural development tourism and the pathological 'long-and-dirty' of some questionnaire surveys. Where time is short they look for an intermediate and appropriate technology, an approach which is 'fairly-quick-and-fairly-clean' (Chambers, 1983 : 199.)"
Semi nomadic rural appraisal - not rapid.
The method of appraisal used in the field research for this study could probably best be described as 'semi-residential' rather than 'rapid rural appraisal'. It would be more appropriate in the context of Waso Borana to use the description of 'semi-nomadic rural appraisal'. The use of the word "rapid" in describing any appraisal amongst nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralists is probably inappropriate and misleading. It may be acceptable in settled, cultivating, rural societies but one of the findings of this study suggests that the more culturally and economically distant any society is from developed societies the less appropriate is the rapidity of the appraisal.
Precedent research and existing knowledge.
Chambers goes on to suggest several techniques which may be used. First he mentions the value of 'searching for and using existing information'. In the case of the Waso Borana this was met by the existence of a considerable amount of published material on the Borana pastoralists by social anthropologists, and project planners. There are several listed in the bibliography but of special note are studies by Baxter (1954, 1966a and b, and 1978a and b) and Cossins (1983) Most important are the numerous works of Gudrun Dahl and Andres Hjort, together and separately. On a more practical level are the writings of Richard Hogg, relating mostly to project planning or evaluation exercises. There is even a valuable piece of work produced by a missionary researcher working in Ethiopia considering the possibilities and problems of establishing a Christian church amongst the semi-nomadic Borana in his area. (Kjaerland, G.1971 and 1977) All these are valuable resources which gave a good foundation on which this study is intended to build. Because of the broad view approach adopted for this research on appropriate development and other constraints there will be no repetition of the standard ethnography of the Borana and their traditional Gada system which is well documented in the precedent literature.
Key informants.
The second technique Chambers mentions is that of identifying and learning from key informants, implying those who are living or working in the survey area. At the time of this research being done in 1992 and 1993 the only outside experts in the field were some Roman Catholic priests. One of these already referred to, Father Pius of Merti, had been there for nearly 30 years. In fact it could be said that Merti came into being around him if not because of him. He was to prove very helpful in many ways, not just by his kindness and encouragement but also as a lesson in how to persevere when all his schemes and projects as well as his efforts to spread his particular variety of Italian Roman Catholic Christianity had met with so little visible success. His methods and model featured prominently in many of the responses gathered from the Borana, both Muslim and non Muslim. They will be salutary and instructive in trying to answer the root questions of this study as to what is Appropriate Development for Nomadic Pastoralists, even if as negative examples.
During this same period of several years I was becoming familiar with the geography and many of the salient features of Waso Borana. I was also able to make the necessary preparations to have a suitable vehicle in which my wife and I could travel and use as our home during the two field research periods of three months at a time. This was a Land Rover with a tent on the roof that could be folded down in a matter of a few minutes allowing us freedom to move on or to stay as long as we needed to in any one area.
This obviated another of the negative aspects of long term field research noted by Chambers in his review of the pros and cons of village residence. He writes that ..."although it is true that those who try this approach can gain good insights through participant -observation and questioning,....Village residence may mean risks of over generalising from one particular village." ( Chambers, 1983: 59)
Adopting a 'nomadic residential' approach.
By adopting a type of `nomadic or semi-residential approach', this research sought to avoid the potential weakness Chambers mentions. It may be particularly appropriate in nomadic or semi-nomadic societies as the equivalent of village residence in a settled society. In practice this involved staying for several days, even up to two weeks in one community, before moving on to follow up particularly promising leads or invitations. This could be described as an amalgam of the usual form of village residence practiced by traditional social anthropologists combined with more recent research methods, - Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) and even some elements of what is usually described as Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA). The first and earliest of these became officially known as Rapid Rural Appraisal in the late 1970s when the worst examples of rural development tourism began to be exposed. It was also an attempt to escape from what Chambers describes as "survey slavery" with unnecessarily long and often irrelevant questionnaires. He describes RRA as:
"...one of a family of techniques of cost-effective ways in for outsiders. These techniques recognise the trade-offs between the cost of information gathering and its quantity, accuracy, relevance, timelines and actual use. Using "dirty" as a term meaning not cost-effective, they try to avoid both the 'quick-and-dirty' of incompetent rural development tourism and the pathological 'long-and-dirty' of some questionnaire surveys. Where time is short they look for an intermediate and appropriate technology, an approach which is 'fairly-quick-and-fairly-clean' (Chambers, 1983 : 199.)"
Semi nomadic rural appraisal - not rapid.
The method of appraisal used in the field research for this study could probably best be described as 'semi-residential' rather than 'rapid rural appraisal'. It would be more appropriate in the context of Waso Borana to use the description of 'semi-nomadic rural appraisal'. The use of the word "rapid" in describing any appraisal amongst nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralists is probably inappropriate and misleading. It may be acceptable in settled, cultivating, rural societies but one of the findings of this study suggests that the more culturally and economically distant any society is from developed societies the less appropriate is the rapidity of the appraisal.
Precedent research and existing knowledge.
Chambers goes on to suggest several techniques which may be used. First he mentions the value of 'searching for and using existing information'. In the case of the Waso Borana this was met by the existence of a considerable amount of published material on the Borana pastoralists by social anthropologists, and project planners. There are several listed in the bibliography but of special note are studies by Baxter (1954, 1966a and b, and 1978a and b) and Cossins (1983) Most important are the numerous works of Gudrun Dahl and Andres Hjort, together and separately. On a more practical level are the writings of Richard Hogg, relating mostly to project planning or evaluation exercises. There is even a valuable piece of work produced by a missionary researcher working in Ethiopia considering the possibilities and problems of establishing a Christian church amongst the semi-nomadic Borana in his area. (Kjaerland, G.1971 and 1977) All these are valuable resources which gave a good foundation on which this study is intended to build. Because of the broad view approach adopted for this research on appropriate development and other constraints there will be no repetition of the standard ethnography of the Borana and their traditional Gada system which is well documented in the precedent literature.
Key informants.
The second technique Chambers mentions is that of identifying and learning from key informants, implying those who are living or working in the survey area. At the time of this research being done in 1992 and 1993 the only outside experts in the field were some Roman Catholic priests. One of these already referred to, Father Pius of Merti, had been there for nearly 30 years. In fact it could be said that Merti came into being around him if not because of him. He was to prove very helpful in many ways, not just by his kindness and encouragement but also as a lesson in how to persevere when all his schemes and projects as well as his efforts to spread his particular variety of Italian Roman Catholic Christianity had met with so little visible success. His methods and model featured prominently in many of the responses gathered from the Borana, both Muslim and non Muslim. They will be salutary and instructive in trying to answer the root questions of this study as to what is Appropriate Development for Nomadic Pastoralists, even if as negative examples.
3.4. Direct observation and learning important questions.
The third technique Chambers recommends as important in RRA is direct observation and asking questions about what is seen. This became the most valuable and rewarding part of the field research process as it became more and more obvious which were the important questions to ask and how best to ask them.
Development of the questionnaire from opportunistic observations.
No questionnaire was used during the first period of the reconnaissance phase in 1992. This was used as an opportunity to build on the relationships already established and to extend the network of friendships and helpful informants so that every part of Waso Borana society was visited and initial dry season observations made. Those first three months happened to coincide with the campaigning period and registration of voters for elections to the Kenyan National Parliament and County Council officers. To expedite this process, educated young Borana men were enlisted by the government and sent to every settlement and chief's location to register the local people. These registration clerks were mostly school leavers who were waiting for the government to call them for a higher education course. This meant that instead of hanging around the towns waiting for their results or college call up, these young men were scattered throughout the whole region, mostly within their home areas, where they proved to be of great help. They were required to register every adult member within or attached to their respective communities. This often entailed travel out from their respective chief's offices to the bush settlements where the more nomadic herdsmen had taken their animals during that prolonged dry season. They were eager to take advantage of the opportunity to ride in the Land Rover to visit these remote constituents at the distant bore holes or water ponds. At the same time they were able to introduce us to the men who gathered for the watering of the animals. This usually entailed several hours of waiting their turn at the drinking troughs and the recovery period afterwards whilst the cattle, and especially the small stock, stand around `quivering' with the discomfort of sating their thirst to the maximum.
Where to meet the most nomadic pastoralists.
During those hours at the bore holes most of the herdsmen, especially the older and senior ones, are happy to sit around, drink tea and talk before they return to the distant grazing for another three days. Those proved to be very useful opportunities to hear the views of the most nomadic and active members of the Borana pastoralists. Practical help was also usually given in the transportation of sick people which always fosters good relations and credibility These expeditions to the wells and bore holes are all male occasions so my wife used those times to develop her role as honorary grandmother - a very important role amongst Borana women.
The advantage of mobility in research.
The views of the more sedentary people could be obtained during the days in the tea rooms of the small settlements or in the evenings at their semi-permanent camps or dry season shelters near the Lorian swamp. From all these opportunities throughout the Merti and Garba Tula divisions, a widest cross section of Waso Borana were met and their primary concerns recorded during the first three month period, May to August 1992
This was also a time of considerable shifta activity with Somali raids on villages and attacks on travellers being experienced nearly every day. This did lend an element of excitement to the survey period but also gave ample opportunity to observe and experience the importance of security to nomadic pastoral life. This will be discussed later in a separate section on security.
Analysing the information.
All the information collected was analysed and used to draw up a research proposal for the next three month period of semi-nomadic appraisal. This was based on eight separate elements or topics of interventions or development options which were identified as specially significant to the Waso Borana. Within those eight separate elements a series of key questions were produced from the informal and unstructured discussions that had been conducted in the field., These were used to compose the questionnaire to be employed during the second three month period of field research, January - March 1993. The Research proposal will be found in Annex 2 which itself includes Appendices A and B - The Reasons for Choosing the Waso Borana and The Questions to be Asked During Field Study.
Group interviews versus individual responses.
The other important technique which Chambers recommends for use in conducting Rapid Rural Appraisals is 'group interviews with informal or selected groups'. This approach was another major feature of the field research amongst the Waso Borana. It became quite obvious during the preliminary survey period that Borana do not care to give answers individually. In fact, only two men were found who were willing to give their own opinions and not discuss the matters with other members of their particular community. One was a very well educated chief who had a senior government appointment which required him to spend much of his time in the district headquarters of Isiolo. Presumably that is where he has acquired his individualistic mind set.
One representative of the poorest people - the Wata.
The other independent thinker was a very poor man who was included in the interviewee group because he could represent the lowest status group of Wata people - the former hunter-gatherers. His inclusion in the survey was not appreciated by other more affluent or politically powerful town persons at Garba Tula where the interview was conducted. His answers to questions were understandably rather different from the higher status pastoralists, but he was willing and able to stand by his opinions in spite of his low status because of his age. His inclusion was compensated by agreeing to accept another very senior ex chief as an informant, even though he was equally atypical of most Waso Borana values. Amongst other distinctly unusual achievements he had married and divorced nine wives and been to Uganda to represent the Borana in the Colonial Independence talks. His opinions were surprisingly flippant and self serving.
The third technique Chambers recommends as important in RRA is direct observation and asking questions about what is seen. This became the most valuable and rewarding part of the field research process as it became more and more obvious which were the important questions to ask and how best to ask them.
Development of the questionnaire from opportunistic observations.
No questionnaire was used during the first period of the reconnaissance phase in 1992. This was used as an opportunity to build on the relationships already established and to extend the network of friendships and helpful informants so that every part of Waso Borana society was visited and initial dry season observations made. Those first three months happened to coincide with the campaigning period and registration of voters for elections to the Kenyan National Parliament and County Council officers. To expedite this process, educated young Borana men were enlisted by the government and sent to every settlement and chief's location to register the local people. These registration clerks were mostly school leavers who were waiting for the government to call them for a higher education course. This meant that instead of hanging around the towns waiting for their results or college call up, these young men were scattered throughout the whole region, mostly within their home areas, where they proved to be of great help. They were required to register every adult member within or attached to their respective communities. This often entailed travel out from their respective chief's offices to the bush settlements where the more nomadic herdsmen had taken their animals during that prolonged dry season. They were eager to take advantage of the opportunity to ride in the Land Rover to visit these remote constituents at the distant bore holes or water ponds. At the same time they were able to introduce us to the men who gathered for the watering of the animals. This usually entailed several hours of waiting their turn at the drinking troughs and the recovery period afterwards whilst the cattle, and especially the small stock, stand around `quivering' with the discomfort of sating their thirst to the maximum.
Where to meet the most nomadic pastoralists.
During those hours at the bore holes most of the herdsmen, especially the older and senior ones, are happy to sit around, drink tea and talk before they return to the distant grazing for another three days. Those proved to be very useful opportunities to hear the views of the most nomadic and active members of the Borana pastoralists. Practical help was also usually given in the transportation of sick people which always fosters good relations and credibility These expeditions to the wells and bore holes are all male occasions so my wife used those times to develop her role as honorary grandmother - a very important role amongst Borana women.
The advantage of mobility in research.
The views of the more sedentary people could be obtained during the days in the tea rooms of the small settlements or in the evenings at their semi-permanent camps or dry season shelters near the Lorian swamp. From all these opportunities throughout the Merti and Garba Tula divisions, a widest cross section of Waso Borana were met and their primary concerns recorded during the first three month period, May to August 1992
This was also a time of considerable shifta activity with Somali raids on villages and attacks on travellers being experienced nearly every day. This did lend an element of excitement to the survey period but also gave ample opportunity to observe and experience the importance of security to nomadic pastoral life. This will be discussed later in a separate section on security.
Analysing the information.
All the information collected was analysed and used to draw up a research proposal for the next three month period of semi-nomadic appraisal. This was based on eight separate elements or topics of interventions or development options which were identified as specially significant to the Waso Borana. Within those eight separate elements a series of key questions were produced from the informal and unstructured discussions that had been conducted in the field., These were used to compose the questionnaire to be employed during the second three month period of field research, January - March 1993. The Research proposal will be found in Annex 2 which itself includes Appendices A and B - The Reasons for Choosing the Waso Borana and The Questions to be Asked During Field Study.
Group interviews versus individual responses.
The other important technique which Chambers recommends for use in conducting Rapid Rural Appraisals is 'group interviews with informal or selected groups'. This approach was another major feature of the field research amongst the Waso Borana. It became quite obvious during the preliminary survey period that Borana do not care to give answers individually. In fact, only two men were found who were willing to give their own opinions and not discuss the matters with other members of their particular community. One was a very well educated chief who had a senior government appointment which required him to spend much of his time in the district headquarters of Isiolo. Presumably that is where he has acquired his individualistic mind set.
One representative of the poorest people - the Wata.
The other independent thinker was a very poor man who was included in the interviewee group because he could represent the lowest status group of Wata people - the former hunter-gatherers. His inclusion in the survey was not appreciated by other more affluent or politically powerful town persons at Garba Tula where the interview was conducted. His answers to questions were understandably rather different from the higher status pastoralists, but he was willing and able to stand by his opinions in spite of his low status because of his age. His inclusion was compensated by agreeing to accept another very senior ex chief as an informant, even though he was equally atypical of most Waso Borana values. Amongst other distinctly unusual achievements he had married and divorced nine wives and been to Uganda to represent the Borana in the Colonial Independence talks. His opinions were surprisingly flippant and self serving.
3.5. Borana collective decision making.
The preference of the Borana to respond collectively rather than by individual answer is confirmed by another researcher and project planner, Richard Hogg:
Boran are extremely egalitarian in ethos and will go to great lengths to achieve consensus. Essentially Boran rule by assembly, and different leaders have different competencies in different types of assembly. (Hogg, 1990: 6)
This societal characteristic revealed itself in practice during field surveys by a reluctance bordering on refusal of individual Borana to give a personal opinion on any matter affecting their communal activities, without consulting some of their contemporaries. This had been observed during the preliminary survey period so it was taken into account when planning for the second period when the questionnaires were employed.
Selection of representative communities.
The choice of interview sites was made to give the widest possible cross selection of different socio-economic activities and communities amongst the Waso Borana. i.e.
The choice of spokesperson was usually left to the group who were being interviewed as the most representative individual of that community. This accounts for the high proportion of older men who appear as the chosen spokespersons of the group interviews. Young men and married women would be unlikely to be chosen. The two women who appear in the list of spokespersons were a mother and daughter who were chosen because they were representative of non-pastoral communities. Most of the representatives of urbanised people were young men as they are more likely to move to the towns, particularly to Nairobi. [1]
The preference of the Borana to respond collectively rather than by individual answer is confirmed by another researcher and project planner, Richard Hogg:
Boran are extremely egalitarian in ethos and will go to great lengths to achieve consensus. Essentially Boran rule by assembly, and different leaders have different competencies in different types of assembly. (Hogg, 1990: 6)
This societal characteristic revealed itself in practice during field surveys by a reluctance bordering on refusal of individual Borana to give a personal opinion on any matter affecting their communal activities, without consulting some of their contemporaries. This had been observed during the preliminary survey period so it was taken into account when planning for the second period when the questionnaires were employed.
Selection of representative communities.
The choice of interview sites was made to give the widest possible cross selection of different socio-economic activities and communities amongst the Waso Borana. i.e.
- Pastoralists who do no cultivation - mostly semi-nomadic.
- Rural communities who supplement pastoralism with cultivation.
- Pastoralists settled in small towns with few or no animals.
- Agro-pastoralists who have settled on irrigated schemes.
- Herd owners with government salaries -i.e. chiefs.
- Destitute people surviving on casual labour or begging.
- Urbanised young men, traders, casual labourers, students.
- Older herd owners who pay others to watch their animals.
- Former wage earners who have returned to the grazing lands.
The choice of spokesperson was usually left to the group who were being interviewed as the most representative individual of that community. This accounts for the high proportion of older men who appear as the chosen spokespersons of the group interviews. Young men and married women would be unlikely to be chosen. The two women who appear in the list of spokespersons were a mother and daughter who were chosen because they were representative of non-pastoral communities. Most of the representatives of urbanised people were young men as they are more likely to move to the towns, particularly to Nairobi. [1]
3.6. Conduct of the interviews.
A total of 20 group interviews and one individual interview were conducted which involved the opinions of several hundreds of peoples. No attempt was made to count or control all those who took part in the group interviews as many people would come and go during the several hours that were usually required to complete the questionnaire. Only the designated spokesman was expected to remain throughout. In one or two cases this required breaks for prayers, sleep or business. A summary of the interviewee sample is given in Table 3.1. This gives the ages and marital status of the individuals chosen as the spokesmen by the groups being interviewed at the representative communities. Only in the case of the one representative of the poorest Wata group at Garba Tula was the spokesman not selected by the community. This exception had to be made otherwise it would be unlikely that a representative would have been chosen from the Wata, the second largest group of Borana-speaking people in Eastern Isiolo District. The individual chosen was the first one I met who was willing to acknowledge that he was a Wata.
Table 3.1. Summary of the Interviewee sample of Waso Borana
Interviews in Rural areas of Eastern Isiolo District
A total of 20 group interviews and one individual interview were conducted which involved the opinions of several hundreds of peoples. No attempt was made to count or control all those who took part in the group interviews as many people would come and go during the several hours that were usually required to complete the questionnaire. Only the designated spokesman was expected to remain throughout. In one or two cases this required breaks for prayers, sleep or business. A summary of the interviewee sample is given in Table 3.1. This gives the ages and marital status of the individuals chosen as the spokesmen by the groups being interviewed at the representative communities. Only in the case of the one representative of the poorest Wata group at Garba Tula was the spokesman not selected by the community. This exception had to be made otherwise it would be unlikely that a representative would have been chosen from the Wata, the second largest group of Borana-speaking people in Eastern Isiolo District. The individual chosen was the first one I met who was willing to acknowledge that he was a Wata.
Table 3.1. Summary of the Interviewee sample of Waso Borana
Interviews in Rural areas of Eastern Isiolo District
Table 3.2 Numbers of Wives and Children of Interview Spokespersons.
In Table below D = Dead, L = Living, V = Divorced wives.
In Table below D = Dead, L = Living, V = Divorced wives.
The freedom of travel as well as the abundance of grazing which had come as a result of the rains in November and December made the second survey period much easier. Not only was there no danger from Shifta whilst travelling in the bush, but the people were all able to live close to their villages and semi-permanent settlements as there was ample grass for the few surviving animals. This meant that group interviews were conducted in a very leisurely manner with all the leaders of the communities able and willing to spend many hours discussing the questions used in the questionnaire to guide the discussions.
This method of conducting the survey appeared to minimise the potential problem mentioned by Chambers:
One danger with RRA is that it will always be rushed. A corollary of Parkinson's law is that whatever is planned exceeds the time available for doing it. If this occurs, it will once again be the remoter areas and the poorer people who are left out. (Chambers, 1983: 200)
Elsewhere Chambers has compared 'rapid rural appraisal' and 'participatory rural appraisal' (PRA). The most significant differences are summarised thus:-
Whereas RRA is extractive, with outsiders appropriating and processing the information, PRA is participatory, with ownership and analysis more by rural people themselves. (Chambers, 1991:97)
Partial participatory appraisal.
In some respects the survey method employed in the field research method of this study can be described as partially participatory. The input of community leaders in the evolution of the questionnaire during the first three months of preliminary survey was very important for the research. Before the final draft of the questionnaire was decided upon, it was discussed with some of the brightest young Borana, who had also had recent experience of tending the animals of their family herds. It's relevance was demonstrated by their intense interest in answering the questions themselves. The only qualifying comment those young student/herders made was that not all the questions would need to be asked in all the communities of Waso Borana we would be visiting. This confirmed what had already been appreciated and prepared for in dividing the questionnaire into nine pages of separate questions, dealing with the eight different elements of possible development interventions already noted plus one biographical page. This arrangement of the questionnaire into different elements of topical interest made it quite easy to pass quickly over pages less relevant to certain communities or to omit them altogether. The main examples of this were in the communities of former pastoralists who are now totally dependent on irrigated cultivation, or the active pastoralists who do not engage in cultivation at all.
The appraisal could also be said to be participatory in the way that the group discussions were conducted, with the leading members of the community in all but one place choosing who would be the designated spokesman whose name would appear on the questionnaire. The rest of the community were invited to share in the discussions that would nearly always continue until a consensus was reached.
Final statement recorded from a designated spokesman.
It was made clear at the start of each group interview session that the final statement would be made by the designated spokesman. If no consensus was possible to achieve then his/her response would be the accepted one with the dissenting positions noted. This situation only prevailed in the case where the low caste Wata informant was being interviewed. His opinions are recognised as exceptional and representative of the Wata community of Borana-speaking peoples. Of the four Sakuye included in the interviewee group, two were from communities which were largely dependent on cultivation of irrigated gardens for their livelihood. They were chosen as the designated representative because of the respect they had earned as crop producers and experts in their field. It was all the more remarkable that one was a woman of 84 years, a widow of many years who was entirely self supporting from her garden and starting to rebuild a herd of small stock.
This method of conducting the survey appeared to minimise the potential problem mentioned by Chambers:
One danger with RRA is that it will always be rushed. A corollary of Parkinson's law is that whatever is planned exceeds the time available for doing it. If this occurs, it will once again be the remoter areas and the poorer people who are left out. (Chambers, 1983: 200)
Elsewhere Chambers has compared 'rapid rural appraisal' and 'participatory rural appraisal' (PRA). The most significant differences are summarised thus:-
Whereas RRA is extractive, with outsiders appropriating and processing the information, PRA is participatory, with ownership and analysis more by rural people themselves. (Chambers, 1991:97)
Partial participatory appraisal.
In some respects the survey method employed in the field research method of this study can be described as partially participatory. The input of community leaders in the evolution of the questionnaire during the first three months of preliminary survey was very important for the research. Before the final draft of the questionnaire was decided upon, it was discussed with some of the brightest young Borana, who had also had recent experience of tending the animals of their family herds. It's relevance was demonstrated by their intense interest in answering the questions themselves. The only qualifying comment those young student/herders made was that not all the questions would need to be asked in all the communities of Waso Borana we would be visiting. This confirmed what had already been appreciated and prepared for in dividing the questionnaire into nine pages of separate questions, dealing with the eight different elements of possible development interventions already noted plus one biographical page. This arrangement of the questionnaire into different elements of topical interest made it quite easy to pass quickly over pages less relevant to certain communities or to omit them altogether. The main examples of this were in the communities of former pastoralists who are now totally dependent on irrigated cultivation, or the active pastoralists who do not engage in cultivation at all.
The appraisal could also be said to be participatory in the way that the group discussions were conducted, with the leading members of the community in all but one place choosing who would be the designated spokesman whose name would appear on the questionnaire. The rest of the community were invited to share in the discussions that would nearly always continue until a consensus was reached.
Final statement recorded from a designated spokesman.
It was made clear at the start of each group interview session that the final statement would be made by the designated spokesman. If no consensus was possible to achieve then his/her response would be the accepted one with the dissenting positions noted. This situation only prevailed in the case where the low caste Wata informant was being interviewed. His opinions are recognised as exceptional and representative of the Wata community of Borana-speaking peoples. Of the four Sakuye included in the interviewee group, two were from communities which were largely dependent on cultivation of irrigated gardens for their livelihood. They were chosen as the designated representative because of the respect they had earned as crop producers and experts in their field. It was all the more remarkable that one was a woman of 84 years, a widow of many years who was entirely self supporting from her garden and starting to rebuild a herd of small stock.
3.7. Questionnaire design.
The content and format of the questionnaire was decided in the light of information gathered on the preliminary unstructured survey.
Eight separate topics.
The eight separate topics which comprised the questionnaire were based on the different major elements of appropriate development or possible options for interventions which are pertinent to the Waso Borana. These were perceived as:
Range Management and Water Resources, Stock Control and Improvement, Human Medical Services, Cultivation and Irrigation, Alternative Economic Options, Education and Specialised Training, Administration and Security, Religious and Social Issues.
Biographical details.
There was one other component in the questionnaire which was used at the start of each interview. This consisted of the basic biographical information of the individual designated as the spokesman to represent his community. This information was limited to issues which were relevant to the main subject of appropriate development for the Waso Borana. No attempt was made to collect ethnographic details such as age set or moiety. Towards the end of the field research it became apparent that it would have been helpful to have recorded details of the respective clan of the individual spokesman and possibly the clans represented within the larger interview groups. This only emerged as important as a result of one of the significant findings of the research concerning traditional restocking methods within the clans.
The content and format of the questionnaire was decided in the light of information gathered on the preliminary unstructured survey.
Eight separate topics.
The eight separate topics which comprised the questionnaire were based on the different major elements of appropriate development or possible options for interventions which are pertinent to the Waso Borana. These were perceived as:
Range Management and Water Resources, Stock Control and Improvement, Human Medical Services, Cultivation and Irrigation, Alternative Economic Options, Education and Specialised Training, Administration and Security, Religious and Social Issues.
Biographical details.
There was one other component in the questionnaire which was used at the start of each interview. This consisted of the basic biographical information of the individual designated as the spokesman to represent his community. This information was limited to issues which were relevant to the main subject of appropriate development for the Waso Borana. No attempt was made to collect ethnographic details such as age set or moiety. Towards the end of the field research it became apparent that it would have been helpful to have recorded details of the respective clan of the individual spokesman and possibly the clans represented within the larger interview groups. This only emerged as important as a result of one of the significant findings of the research concerning traditional restocking methods within the clans.
3.8. Questionnaire administration.
The questionnaire was used very loosely as a tool to guide the group discussions which ensued. Once the biographical first page had been dealt with, usually quite quickly, all the time necessary was allowed to discuss the questions within the topical components.
Listening as long as the pastoralists want to talk.
As the second page of the questionnaire concerned range management and water resources this page could take more than an hour when it was being presented to a group of active pastoralists or herdsmen. It was on this subject that the group began to participate quite readily, often accompanied by the drawing of maps in the sand identifying existing and non functioning bore holes and where they felt that new water sources were needed to allow good potential grazing areas to be opened up for dry season use. It was noted that some of the herdsmen could give very precise figures for the output per hour of each bore hole, and the number of animals that could therefore be watered at maximum capacity. They also knew the cost per hundred head of cattle for the diesel fuel to operate the bore holes as they were required to buy it at the nearest source and pay for delivery to the well they were planning to use. There were some who could give good reasons why pans or ponds were better than bore holes in some situations, and even why one existing pan should be filled in to prevent misuse of the grazing areas.
The problem of security again.
These responses showed a high degree of awareness of range management problems and potential improvements, but frequently the enthusiasm and excitement of the discussion would be dampened when somebody mentioned the insecurity prevailing in Isiolo district. When their helplessness to deal with the security problems was realised this usually led to discouragement in considering the possibility of any improvement in rangeland production. A PRA approach would not have helped them as the major agent needed for full participation and implementation of development planning was not party to the discussions. Even in a few instances when a government agent such as a chief or a district officer was involved in the discussions, they were not apparently considered as able to offer any hope of defence against Shifta attack.
Modifying the questionnaire 'in the field'.
A few of the questions were found to be irrelevant, particularly in certain communities with specific interests, but on the whole the questionnaire fulfilled its role as a tool to guide the discussions and to give a template into which the different responses could be fitted. Some of the topics covered by one of the eight major components of the questionnaire generated so much interest and secondary issues that a few questions were expanded of modified. A few of the questions emerged as so important that these will be enlarged into separate issues within the findings and observations.
The questionnaire was used very loosely as a tool to guide the group discussions which ensued. Once the biographical first page had been dealt with, usually quite quickly, all the time necessary was allowed to discuss the questions within the topical components.
Listening as long as the pastoralists want to talk.
As the second page of the questionnaire concerned range management and water resources this page could take more than an hour when it was being presented to a group of active pastoralists or herdsmen. It was on this subject that the group began to participate quite readily, often accompanied by the drawing of maps in the sand identifying existing and non functioning bore holes and where they felt that new water sources were needed to allow good potential grazing areas to be opened up for dry season use. It was noted that some of the herdsmen could give very precise figures for the output per hour of each bore hole, and the number of animals that could therefore be watered at maximum capacity. They also knew the cost per hundred head of cattle for the diesel fuel to operate the bore holes as they were required to buy it at the nearest source and pay for delivery to the well they were planning to use. There were some who could give good reasons why pans or ponds were better than bore holes in some situations, and even why one existing pan should be filled in to prevent misuse of the grazing areas.
The problem of security again.
These responses showed a high degree of awareness of range management problems and potential improvements, but frequently the enthusiasm and excitement of the discussion would be dampened when somebody mentioned the insecurity prevailing in Isiolo district. When their helplessness to deal with the security problems was realised this usually led to discouragement in considering the possibility of any improvement in rangeland production. A PRA approach would not have helped them as the major agent needed for full participation and implementation of development planning was not party to the discussions. Even in a few instances when a government agent such as a chief or a district officer was involved in the discussions, they were not apparently considered as able to offer any hope of defence against Shifta attack.
Modifying the questionnaire 'in the field'.
A few of the questions were found to be irrelevant, particularly in certain communities with specific interests, but on the whole the questionnaire fulfilled its role as a tool to guide the discussions and to give a template into which the different responses could be fitted. Some of the topics covered by one of the eight major components of the questionnaire generated so much interest and secondary issues that a few questions were expanded of modified. A few of the questions emerged as so important that these will be enlarged into separate issues within the findings and observations.
[1] Some individuals fit into several of these categories e.g. an elderly widow of 84 years old who supported herself by cultivation on an irrigation scheme. She used to herd animals after her husband died 30 years ago but now she has given them to her 75 year old sister to look after.