Chapter 7
Conclusions and Recommendations towards an Appropriate Development Strategy for the Waso Borana
The conclusions that derive from this research will be divided into two chapters. In this chapter 7 the Borana specific material will be presented with particular emphasis on the subjects that were of most interest to them in the group discussions, excluding religious issues. These will be addressed in chapter 8 in broader reference to other nomadic pastoralists and general conclusions regarding the importance of including their spiritual values in development planning.
7.1. Administration and security.
As noted in chapter 6.1. one of the most significant findings of this research was the realisation of the priority importance given by the Waso Borana to security. They see the maintenance of security in the grazing lands as the primary responsibility of the Government administration as they have voluntarily given up their guns to the Government, hence it's inclusion under the heading of Administration.
Security for the Waso Borana means freedom from threat of attack from armed bandits from the neighbouring Somalis and from the cattle raids which usually accompany the attacks. In recent years, particularly since the outbreak of civil war in Somali, the presence of large bands of Somali ex- military and heavily armed bandits has made life in much of northern Kenya exceedingly difficult and dangerous. These predatory raids extended as far south as the related Orma pastoralists in the Tana River basin, with hundreds of people being killed and thousands of animals stolen. The scale and frequency of the raids during 1992 seemed to indicate that the long term intentions of the Somalis towards the Borana grazing lands was not so much to steal cattle as to intimidate the Borana to the extent that they would abandon eastern Isiolo altogether. This was confirmed by threats that were made by different Somali groups on raids on towns like Kinna and Garba Tula.
Why is security such a major problem for pastoralists?
The situation which prevailed in eastern Isiolo throughout 1992 illustrates the situation which makes pastoralists most vulnerable.
The remoteness from urban centres and the relatively sparse population spread over vast areas of arid and semi arid land made them seem of little importance to those at the centres of power in the national capital, or in the Provincial offices. Even the District headquarters is so far removed from the geographical centre and the heart of the grazing lands that any unrest or attack on the pastoralists seems like a far away problem. Gangs of raiders several hundred strong could roam with impunity across the District without any fear of action coming from the various levels of administration, District , Provincial or national capital.
The role and responsibility of the army.
At the close of 1992, rumours began to circulate that United Nations military forces were preparing to patrol the Kenya/Somali border to restrict the flood of gunmen fleeing over the frontier with their weapons to escape the advance of the peace keeping forces within Somalia. This seems to have finally prompted the Kenyan authorities to do something about the state of violent lawlessness which was raging in the whole north east corner of their country. At that time there was probably an unusually high level of distrust on the part of the Borana, as they frequently expressed their lack of confidence that the Government would do anything to help them. A new Chief of Staff for the armed forces had recently been appointed who was from the same ethnic group as those who were attacking them, "What else can you expect when you have a Somali in charge of the Kenya Army?" was their constant refrain.
Whether this complaint was justified or not is beyond the remit of this study, but it is illustrative of the lack of confidence of pastoralists in the top levels of Government who have the power to help them. It is typical of many pastoralists who feel alienated from, or at best ignored by those who are meant to protect and provide for them. The fact that within a matter of days of the arrival of a relatively small detachment of the Kenya Army the situation was so quickly transformed for the Waso Borana lends credence to their arguments that it is the responsibility of the Army to deal with the Somali raiders. No ordinary herdsman is allowed to carry a weapon of any sort to defend himself or his livestock, which makes them even more dependent on the Army.
The Borana try to arm themselves.
Before the Kenya Army came onto the scene, a few Borana had been acquiring weapons to try to defend themselves after the big raids of 1992, when several hundred Somalis at a time were launching full scale attacks on the towns in eastern Isiolo. Early in 1993 the government administration decreed that all the Borana must hand in their weapons. This did nothing to improve confidence or relations with the administration. The Borana pastoralists knew that the army would not stay long then they would have to be prepared to defend themselves again.
The effect of denying weapons to pastoralists.
This same Government policy of 'no guns allowed' has been enforced in several other pastoralists' areas - such as with the Gabbra and the Rendilli to the north. Presumably it is intended to reduce the loss of life in raiding between the different pastoralists groups but in reality it only means that the unarmed pastoralists will have nothing to defend themselves with when the inevitable parties of well armed raiders come to attack. The fact of the matter is that if the raiders knew that the herdsmen they were planning to attack were adequately armed the raid might never have been attempted.
Recommendations regarding security.
The conclusion to be deduced from this security problem is that if pastoralists are not to be allowed to own or carry weapons then the government which disarms them must take full responsibility for the protection and the immediate pursuit and punishment of any raiding attempts. If the government is not able or willing to provide this protection then pastoralists need to be allowed to defend themselves.
It is not sufficient to issue a few ancient single-shot rifles to home guards and say this is adequate protection. The weapons being used by modern day bandits are far more powerful and prolific in their destructive capacity. The Waso Borana repeatedly appealed for automatic weapons for their home guard, but it is the opinion of the writer, who was personally involved, that this would not be the best solution. Having seen the effect of a relatively small force of the Army with a few trucks and a helicopter at their disposal, he opines that this would be the most effective deterrent.
Controlled and patrolled grazing areas.
If the Government forces can be used to reestablish the sort of controlled and patrolled grazing areas which the British Colonial administration imposed before independence, then this would no doubt provide the best long term solution to the security problems. A modern African state may want to think that it can eliminate ethnic boundaries along with tribalism, but security in traditional grazing lands may require the acceptance of controlled grazing rights for specified pastoral groups where competition for grass and water repeatedly leads to violence.
Recommendations from the Borana about the most effective security.
One of the recommendations which the Waso Borana made early in the discussions on the subject of security was that the government should put soldiers to patrol the grazing lands who come from pastoral backgrounds. It would be best to have trained Borana men, they stated, but any son of a herdsman would do because he would know how important the cattle and access to the grazing are.
As noted in chapter 6.1. one of the most significant findings of this research was the realisation of the priority importance given by the Waso Borana to security. They see the maintenance of security in the grazing lands as the primary responsibility of the Government administration as they have voluntarily given up their guns to the Government, hence it's inclusion under the heading of Administration.
Security for the Waso Borana means freedom from threat of attack from armed bandits from the neighbouring Somalis and from the cattle raids which usually accompany the attacks. In recent years, particularly since the outbreak of civil war in Somali, the presence of large bands of Somali ex- military and heavily armed bandits has made life in much of northern Kenya exceedingly difficult and dangerous. These predatory raids extended as far south as the related Orma pastoralists in the Tana River basin, with hundreds of people being killed and thousands of animals stolen. The scale and frequency of the raids during 1992 seemed to indicate that the long term intentions of the Somalis towards the Borana grazing lands was not so much to steal cattle as to intimidate the Borana to the extent that they would abandon eastern Isiolo altogether. This was confirmed by threats that were made by different Somali groups on raids on towns like Kinna and Garba Tula.
Why is security such a major problem for pastoralists?
The situation which prevailed in eastern Isiolo throughout 1992 illustrates the situation which makes pastoralists most vulnerable.
The remoteness from urban centres and the relatively sparse population spread over vast areas of arid and semi arid land made them seem of little importance to those at the centres of power in the national capital, or in the Provincial offices. Even the District headquarters is so far removed from the geographical centre and the heart of the grazing lands that any unrest or attack on the pastoralists seems like a far away problem. Gangs of raiders several hundred strong could roam with impunity across the District without any fear of action coming from the various levels of administration, District , Provincial or national capital.
The role and responsibility of the army.
At the close of 1992, rumours began to circulate that United Nations military forces were preparing to patrol the Kenya/Somali border to restrict the flood of gunmen fleeing over the frontier with their weapons to escape the advance of the peace keeping forces within Somalia. This seems to have finally prompted the Kenyan authorities to do something about the state of violent lawlessness which was raging in the whole north east corner of their country. At that time there was probably an unusually high level of distrust on the part of the Borana, as they frequently expressed their lack of confidence that the Government would do anything to help them. A new Chief of Staff for the armed forces had recently been appointed who was from the same ethnic group as those who were attacking them, "What else can you expect when you have a Somali in charge of the Kenya Army?" was their constant refrain.
Whether this complaint was justified or not is beyond the remit of this study, but it is illustrative of the lack of confidence of pastoralists in the top levels of Government who have the power to help them. It is typical of many pastoralists who feel alienated from, or at best ignored by those who are meant to protect and provide for them. The fact that within a matter of days of the arrival of a relatively small detachment of the Kenya Army the situation was so quickly transformed for the Waso Borana lends credence to their arguments that it is the responsibility of the Army to deal with the Somali raiders. No ordinary herdsman is allowed to carry a weapon of any sort to defend himself or his livestock, which makes them even more dependent on the Army.
The Borana try to arm themselves.
Before the Kenya Army came onto the scene, a few Borana had been acquiring weapons to try to defend themselves after the big raids of 1992, when several hundred Somalis at a time were launching full scale attacks on the towns in eastern Isiolo. Early in 1993 the government administration decreed that all the Borana must hand in their weapons. This did nothing to improve confidence or relations with the administration. The Borana pastoralists knew that the army would not stay long then they would have to be prepared to defend themselves again.
The effect of denying weapons to pastoralists.
This same Government policy of 'no guns allowed' has been enforced in several other pastoralists' areas - such as with the Gabbra and the Rendilli to the north. Presumably it is intended to reduce the loss of life in raiding between the different pastoralists groups but in reality it only means that the unarmed pastoralists will have nothing to defend themselves with when the inevitable parties of well armed raiders come to attack. The fact of the matter is that if the raiders knew that the herdsmen they were planning to attack were adequately armed the raid might never have been attempted.
Recommendations regarding security.
The conclusion to be deduced from this security problem is that if pastoralists are not to be allowed to own or carry weapons then the government which disarms them must take full responsibility for the protection and the immediate pursuit and punishment of any raiding attempts. If the government is not able or willing to provide this protection then pastoralists need to be allowed to defend themselves.
It is not sufficient to issue a few ancient single-shot rifles to home guards and say this is adequate protection. The weapons being used by modern day bandits are far more powerful and prolific in their destructive capacity. The Waso Borana repeatedly appealed for automatic weapons for their home guard, but it is the opinion of the writer, who was personally involved, that this would not be the best solution. Having seen the effect of a relatively small force of the Army with a few trucks and a helicopter at their disposal, he opines that this would be the most effective deterrent.
Controlled and patrolled grazing areas.
If the Government forces can be used to reestablish the sort of controlled and patrolled grazing areas which the British Colonial administration imposed before independence, then this would no doubt provide the best long term solution to the security problems. A modern African state may want to think that it can eliminate ethnic boundaries along with tribalism, but security in traditional grazing lands may require the acceptance of controlled grazing rights for specified pastoral groups where competition for grass and water repeatedly leads to violence.
Recommendations from the Borana about the most effective security.
One of the recommendations which the Waso Borana made early in the discussions on the subject of security was that the government should put soldiers to patrol the grazing lands who come from pastoral backgrounds. It would be best to have trained Borana men, they stated, but any son of a herdsman would do because he would know how important the cattle and access to the grazing are.
7.2. Range management and water resources.
It is not easy to reach any conclusions on the subject of range management as most of the discussions on this topic led only to more debate and lamentations of the problems of insecurity. There were some herd owners who knew about the block grazing schemes which had been proposed in the District Development plans over the last 12 years but these were quickly dismissed. "Until we can keep the Somalis off our grazing and be free to use it ourselves without danger of being attacked then all that talk of block grazing is 'Saute ya baraza'", as one man described it, meaning noise at the big gatherings, nobody believes it will happen in the grazing areas.
Fruitful discussions about grazing and water sources.
It was possible to get more serious consideration of the grazing when it was associated with certain water sources. The pastoralists were also keen to point out the possibilities for using more of the grazing if additional water sources could be strategically located. On this subject the greatest amount of input from pastoralists can be expected as it is the topic which appeared to come second only to the need for security in arousing interest and debate.
It was noted that not all the water sources suggested were dependent on bore holes and diesel powered pumps. In some places the herdsmen recommended pans or small dams in river beds, but "machines", as they referred to generators and submersible pumps in bore holes, were definitely the main source of water supply mentioned. The pastoralists seem to be quite willing to pay for the fuel to generate the pumps. These pumps have been operating successfully for up to 10 years in several parts of eastern Isiolo so they have been well proven.
Recommendation about bore hole pump operation and maintenance.
The most important recommendation made by the Borana, after suggestions for siting of another 6 - 10 bore holes, was that they should be operated and maintained by local men. For this purpose the most obvious conclusion is that the skilled mechanics and spare parts need to be based as close as possible to the pumps. In the Isiolo District Water Development programme this would mean moving most of their staff and equipment to the workshop at Merti built expressly for that purpose by a foreign donor 2 years ago and never used.
The folly of putting all the water development staff and equipment at the district headquarters, many hours away from the main grazing areas invites the greatest contempt and criticism from the pastoralists. It also creates the worst possible climate in which to expect further investment from donor agencies in vitally needed development projects for the pastoralists.
If the claims of the southern Kenyan technicians and water engineers are accepted as valid, - that they cannot leave Isiolo town because of the lack of security, then this should be another good reason for the government to take whatever action is necessary to restore and maintain security.
It is not easy to reach any conclusions on the subject of range management as most of the discussions on this topic led only to more debate and lamentations of the problems of insecurity. There were some herd owners who knew about the block grazing schemes which had been proposed in the District Development plans over the last 12 years but these were quickly dismissed. "Until we can keep the Somalis off our grazing and be free to use it ourselves without danger of being attacked then all that talk of block grazing is 'Saute ya baraza'", as one man described it, meaning noise at the big gatherings, nobody believes it will happen in the grazing areas.
Fruitful discussions about grazing and water sources.
It was possible to get more serious consideration of the grazing when it was associated with certain water sources. The pastoralists were also keen to point out the possibilities for using more of the grazing if additional water sources could be strategically located. On this subject the greatest amount of input from pastoralists can be expected as it is the topic which appeared to come second only to the need for security in arousing interest and debate.
It was noted that not all the water sources suggested were dependent on bore holes and diesel powered pumps. In some places the herdsmen recommended pans or small dams in river beds, but "machines", as they referred to generators and submersible pumps in bore holes, were definitely the main source of water supply mentioned. The pastoralists seem to be quite willing to pay for the fuel to generate the pumps. These pumps have been operating successfully for up to 10 years in several parts of eastern Isiolo so they have been well proven.
Recommendation about bore hole pump operation and maintenance.
The most important recommendation made by the Borana, after suggestions for siting of another 6 - 10 bore holes, was that they should be operated and maintained by local men. For this purpose the most obvious conclusion is that the skilled mechanics and spare parts need to be based as close as possible to the pumps. In the Isiolo District Water Development programme this would mean moving most of their staff and equipment to the workshop at Merti built expressly for that purpose by a foreign donor 2 years ago and never used.
The folly of putting all the water development staff and equipment at the district headquarters, many hours away from the main grazing areas invites the greatest contempt and criticism from the pastoralists. It also creates the worst possible climate in which to expect further investment from donor agencies in vitally needed development projects for the pastoralists.
If the claims of the southern Kenyan technicians and water engineers are accepted as valid, - that they cannot leave Isiolo town because of the lack of security, then this should be another good reason for the government to take whatever action is necessary to restore and maintain security.
7.3. Human and animal medical services.
These two aspects of development will be dealt with together as the comments and conclusions regarding them are almost identical. In both cases the government services appear to be barely functioning because of lack of medicines and unwillingness of trained staff to leave the headquarters in Isiolo town. There was no doubt that the Borana have a proper appreciation of the benefits of modern treatments - especially in veterinary medicine. They seemed to retain a considerable measure of trust in traditional medicines for certain diseases but this may be mainly due to the difficulty in getting imported and expensive modern medicines. The fact that in 1993 the Borana in eastern Isiolo were reporting that there had been no vaccination programmes for children or animals for the last two, or in some places three years, should give great concern to the responsible authorities. It is fortunate for the Borana that they have N.G.O. operated clinics to meet some of their needs, and they expressed appreciation for those which offered mobile medical services.
Recommendations about medical services - training local people.
The strongest recommendation regarding the provision of medical services for people and animals was that the government should give training to more of their own young men and women who would be willing to serve their own people and not run away to the south every time there is a problem of insecurity or drought.
As regards the question of whether medicine should be free or not, the most adequate response will probably be to repeat the comment made by several of the Borana. "What good is free medicine if there isn't any when you need it. We would rather have medicine in the clinics and be ready to pay for it." The same will certainly apply to veterinary medicines as the herd-owners are fully accustomed to buying whatever they can get from the local traders, presumably at a price considerably higher than the government veterinary department would sell it.
These two aspects of development will be dealt with together as the comments and conclusions regarding them are almost identical. In both cases the government services appear to be barely functioning because of lack of medicines and unwillingness of trained staff to leave the headquarters in Isiolo town. There was no doubt that the Borana have a proper appreciation of the benefits of modern treatments - especially in veterinary medicine. They seemed to retain a considerable measure of trust in traditional medicines for certain diseases but this may be mainly due to the difficulty in getting imported and expensive modern medicines. The fact that in 1993 the Borana in eastern Isiolo were reporting that there had been no vaccination programmes for children or animals for the last two, or in some places three years, should give great concern to the responsible authorities. It is fortunate for the Borana that they have N.G.O. operated clinics to meet some of their needs, and they expressed appreciation for those which offered mobile medical services.
Recommendations about medical services - training local people.
The strongest recommendation regarding the provision of medical services for people and animals was that the government should give training to more of their own young men and women who would be willing to serve their own people and not run away to the south every time there is a problem of insecurity or drought.
As regards the question of whether medicine should be free or not, the most adequate response will probably be to repeat the comment made by several of the Borana. "What good is free medicine if there isn't any when you need it. We would rather have medicine in the clinics and be ready to pay for it." The same will certainly apply to veterinary medicines as the herd-owners are fully accustomed to buying whatever they can get from the local traders, presumably at a price considerably higher than the government veterinary department would sell it.
7.4. Education and training.
It is difficult to assess how importantly the Borana pastoralists rated this component of appropriate development, as their access to it, and emphasis on it, seemed to be largely determined by the efforts of the Catholic Father Pius. He has done so much to provide opportunities, facilities and sponsorship for students in eastern Isiolo that he has probably single handedly done more to foster education of Borana children than any other government or N.G.O. programme. He has poured so much effort and money into this priority emphasis that he may well have created a unique environment in this area where education is weighted in importance to a degree not found amongst other pastoralists. This is not to denigrate his efforts or his emphasis but to point out the possibility of a "skewed priority" on education in Merti and Garba Tula division.
The example set by the Catholic Mission at Merti.
Father Pius has given an excellent foundation in building not only primary schools and a secondary school in his "parish", but has also provided much of the training for the young Borana men and women who have come back to teach in those schools. His example of sponsorship for so many, especially the poorest children, is one that many agencies could emulate and that all pastoralists will surely appreciate for their children. In the schools for which the Catholic Mission is solely responsible, he provides three meals a day, including the weekends, free medicine, some clothes and even soap with which to wash them. For the children who have the good fortune to live in the town of Merti, Father Pius provides many extra curricular benefits such as reading books, sport and musical training and even a large screen television for watching "wholesome videos".
The need for community involvement in career choices.
In spite of all this munificence, as recorded in chapter 6, there are inevitably those who criticise his efforts, saying that he wants to control the lives of those whom he sponsors and insists that they should only do training which will be useful for their own people. This would seem to be a situation where serious dialogue with the individuals concerned and the elders of the community could reduce the cause of resentment by removing from Father Pius the onus of making unilateral decisions and appearing to be "dictatorial".
Recommendation regarding education and training.
One of the major conclusions to come out of this study is that the children of pastoralists need to be enabled and encouraged to take the sort of training which will be most valuable in the development which is appropriate for pastoralists. The answers in the questionnaire on this subject give an indication of the order of importance of training required for professions considered most valuable, or profitable by the Waso Borana. Medicine definitely rated highest, followed by veterinary work, livestock management and school teaching as being of approximately equal value. Administration and cultivation were rated near the bottom with lowest appeal being given to water development, mechanic, driver, trading and religious teacher.
Another question in the questionnaire tried to find out what the Borana felt would be the most useful training to be able to help their people. The responses to this question showed that the Borana found it almost impossible to imagine being able to choose a particular type of training for a career. Those who did understand the question usually gave an answer that included something like, "Let them work hard at school and pass their examination then the government will decide what course they should take and will call them for further training".
The recommendation in this subject of education and training therefore seems to be allow to follow the example of Father Pius in facilitating the best possible educational opportunity as close as possible to the settlements and rainy season camps of the pastoralists. Thereafter, the present system of competitive entry to training courses and higher education through exam results will probably always put the pastoralists at a disadvantage as they are so far away from the good schools that provide the best chances of University entrance.
Training for service in remote rural assignments.
It would be desirable if special consideration could be given to students from pastoralist areas who are keen to go into training courses such as veterinary, or human medicine, water development or range management which would be most useful for the development of their own people. The present system often results in students from urban backgrounds who have no intention of living in remote rural areas being offered places in training courses for veterinarian or agriculture for no other reason than they failed to get entry into University to do the popular courses such as business studies, medicine, engineering or some other which they had hoped for as it offered possibilities of entry into a more lucrative or urban based profession. It is hardly surprising that their motivation to serve in the rural areas where their training is most needed is somewhat lacking. The conclusion here is that ability to pass examinations does not guarantee the suitability for a student to undertake a particular training. If that training will normally lead to a remote rural assignment then students should be selected who will be willing to serve in those areas. The most likely students to fit this criteria will be those from remote rural areas, particularly those who retain family links in pastoral societies. This may require choosing candidates for training courses not just on academic qualifications.
It is difficult to assess how importantly the Borana pastoralists rated this component of appropriate development, as their access to it, and emphasis on it, seemed to be largely determined by the efforts of the Catholic Father Pius. He has done so much to provide opportunities, facilities and sponsorship for students in eastern Isiolo that he has probably single handedly done more to foster education of Borana children than any other government or N.G.O. programme. He has poured so much effort and money into this priority emphasis that he may well have created a unique environment in this area where education is weighted in importance to a degree not found amongst other pastoralists. This is not to denigrate his efforts or his emphasis but to point out the possibility of a "skewed priority" on education in Merti and Garba Tula division.
The example set by the Catholic Mission at Merti.
Father Pius has given an excellent foundation in building not only primary schools and a secondary school in his "parish", but has also provided much of the training for the young Borana men and women who have come back to teach in those schools. His example of sponsorship for so many, especially the poorest children, is one that many agencies could emulate and that all pastoralists will surely appreciate for their children. In the schools for which the Catholic Mission is solely responsible, he provides three meals a day, including the weekends, free medicine, some clothes and even soap with which to wash them. For the children who have the good fortune to live in the town of Merti, Father Pius provides many extra curricular benefits such as reading books, sport and musical training and even a large screen television for watching "wholesome videos".
The need for community involvement in career choices.
In spite of all this munificence, as recorded in chapter 6, there are inevitably those who criticise his efforts, saying that he wants to control the lives of those whom he sponsors and insists that they should only do training which will be useful for their own people. This would seem to be a situation where serious dialogue with the individuals concerned and the elders of the community could reduce the cause of resentment by removing from Father Pius the onus of making unilateral decisions and appearing to be "dictatorial".
Recommendation regarding education and training.
One of the major conclusions to come out of this study is that the children of pastoralists need to be enabled and encouraged to take the sort of training which will be most valuable in the development which is appropriate for pastoralists. The answers in the questionnaire on this subject give an indication of the order of importance of training required for professions considered most valuable, or profitable by the Waso Borana. Medicine definitely rated highest, followed by veterinary work, livestock management and school teaching as being of approximately equal value. Administration and cultivation were rated near the bottom with lowest appeal being given to water development, mechanic, driver, trading and religious teacher.
Another question in the questionnaire tried to find out what the Borana felt would be the most useful training to be able to help their people. The responses to this question showed that the Borana found it almost impossible to imagine being able to choose a particular type of training for a career. Those who did understand the question usually gave an answer that included something like, "Let them work hard at school and pass their examination then the government will decide what course they should take and will call them for further training".
The recommendation in this subject of education and training therefore seems to be allow to follow the example of Father Pius in facilitating the best possible educational opportunity as close as possible to the settlements and rainy season camps of the pastoralists. Thereafter, the present system of competitive entry to training courses and higher education through exam results will probably always put the pastoralists at a disadvantage as they are so far away from the good schools that provide the best chances of University entrance.
Training for service in remote rural assignments.
It would be desirable if special consideration could be given to students from pastoralist areas who are keen to go into training courses such as veterinary, or human medicine, water development or range management which would be most useful for the development of their own people. The present system often results in students from urban backgrounds who have no intention of living in remote rural areas being offered places in training courses for veterinarian or agriculture for no other reason than they failed to get entry into University to do the popular courses such as business studies, medicine, engineering or some other which they had hoped for as it offered possibilities of entry into a more lucrative or urban based profession. It is hardly surprising that their motivation to serve in the rural areas where their training is most needed is somewhat lacking. The conclusion here is that ability to pass examinations does not guarantee the suitability for a student to undertake a particular training. If that training will normally lead to a remote rural assignment then students should be selected who will be willing to serve in those areas. The most likely students to fit this criteria will be those from remote rural areas, particularly those who retain family links in pastoral societies. This may require choosing candidates for training courses not just on academic qualifications.
7.5. Cultivation and alternative livelihood options.
These two separate components of the questionnaire will be considered together as the responses showed they are closely related. They appear to be part of the diversification options and survival tactics in the expanding application of opportunistic strategies.
Cultivation as a supplement to pastoralism, not an alternative.
The Waso Borana recognise that it is only since independence, that many of them have become agro pastoralists. Most families in the new settlements which have sprung up on both sides of the Ewaso Nyiro River have some members who practice cultivation. This does not mean that those families have ceased to think of themselves as pastoralists, Their priority concern is for their animals, however few they may have left, but they are willing to supplement their income and food supply by cultivating in the irrigated gardens as this allows them to stay near the animals. If they cannot or do not get the additional food supply the alternative for many would be to leave the grazing lands and go to the towns to look for work or beg.
So cultivation is apparently accepted as a means of being able to stay with their animals, not an alternative to pastoralism. The Borana repeatedly stated that they never cultivated before independence as it was the shifta wars that took so many of their animals that they cannot survive on those which remain. There are other herd owners who reported that they believe they could once again be able to live only off their animals, if there was no danger of Somali raids and no security problems over all their grazing lands.
The field research revealed that the number of Borana who had given up any interest in animals and were relying solely on cultivation was so small as to be almost irrelevant. Even those who had lost all their animals and found a plot on one of the irrigation schemes were trying to gather a few sheep and goats. This was most poignantly illustrated by the Sakuye lady of 84 years old who having lost everything since her husband died, has used the profits from her garden plot to buy 5 sheep and 3 chickens. This, after losing all ten of her sheep in 1992 to disease and wild animals. This example gives some indication of the resilience and the commitment of pastoralists to ownership of livestock.
The unusual opportunity afforded by the Ewaso Nyiro river.
The Waso Borana are probably atypical of pastoralists, again, as they have the great advantage of the Ewaso Nyro river to provide them with the possibility of irrigated cultivation. The Ministry of Agriculture has tried to capitalise on this potential through the ill fated schemes described in Chapters 2 and 5. The Borana have nothing but ridicule to pour on those plans and the way the schemes were operated by government people from the South. They have seen the benefits and possibilities of properly planned and implemented schemes like that at Gafarsa but the large scale project at Malka Daka is held up as an example of incompetence and corruption from those :outsiders who "thought they could show us how to plant their crops". This was one of the reasons for the rejection of the project - that the workers owned nothing and had no choice of what crop was planted. They were paid "15 shillings a day to plant and pick cotton which the government wanted to make money". This was considerably less than the national minimum wage at that time, and the fact that the project fields produced nothing that the people could eat led to real hardship and eventually, refusal to work . It was reported by some of the survivors of that scheme, that after the Kikuyu manager was imprisoned for all the money he had stolen, they were allowed to plant corn and beans, but by that time the irrigation had stopped as all the pumps were broken or buried in the river bed.
Lessons learned from the mistakes of imposed irrigation schemes.
One of the positive impressions to come out of the field research visit to Malka Daka was the chance to hear the determination of the people who remain there to learn the lessons from the past mistakes and to use gravity flow, as at the Gafarsa scheme, to be able to make at least some use of the fields that were prepared for the large scale Malka Daka project. The chief and elders only wanted some water engineer with his instruments to show them where to dig the channel and they were prepared to dig it by hand however long it took. They were convinced of the value of cultivation - as long as the local people operate it and they decide what crops will be planted.
This lesson seems to have also been learned by the latest irrigation scheme which was under construction at Merti in 1993. It was being built with foreign expertise and funds, under the guidance of Father Pius of course, but the ownership and operation of the scheme would be in the hands of the people who planted their plots in the scheme.
Conclusion regarding cultivation and pastoralism.
Cultivation amongst the Waso Borana appears to be seen as the most common and preferred alternative livelihood option because it allows them to stay near their families and animals. No reports were heard of anyone from the Merti or Garba Tula divisions who had left that area to cultivate elsewhere in Kenya, This did not seem to be an option, possibly because of over crowding in all agricultural areas of Kenya.
This confirms that pastoralists will accept cultivation as a supplement to their earning from livestock herding but not readily as an alternative to it. Where the potential exists for irrigated or rain fed cultivation, some members of the family will be likely to engage in it officially in local gardens or officially on schemes which allow them to own and operate their own plots, planting whatever crops they choose.
Other livelihood options.
Other livelihood options which were practiced by people from the Waso area are casual labourers and watchmen in cities, most frequently Nairobi, trading in between Isiolo and the southern towns, mostly in animals, working for the government as policemen, soldiers or school teachers, professional beggars in towns, especially women in Meru where there are many wealthy Muslims. There are a very few professionals such as businessmen, office workers but the most desirable career is to be a Member of Parliament.
These two separate components of the questionnaire will be considered together as the responses showed they are closely related. They appear to be part of the diversification options and survival tactics in the expanding application of opportunistic strategies.
Cultivation as a supplement to pastoralism, not an alternative.
The Waso Borana recognise that it is only since independence, that many of them have become agro pastoralists. Most families in the new settlements which have sprung up on both sides of the Ewaso Nyiro River have some members who practice cultivation. This does not mean that those families have ceased to think of themselves as pastoralists, Their priority concern is for their animals, however few they may have left, but they are willing to supplement their income and food supply by cultivating in the irrigated gardens as this allows them to stay near the animals. If they cannot or do not get the additional food supply the alternative for many would be to leave the grazing lands and go to the towns to look for work or beg.
So cultivation is apparently accepted as a means of being able to stay with their animals, not an alternative to pastoralism. The Borana repeatedly stated that they never cultivated before independence as it was the shifta wars that took so many of their animals that they cannot survive on those which remain. There are other herd owners who reported that they believe they could once again be able to live only off their animals, if there was no danger of Somali raids and no security problems over all their grazing lands.
The field research revealed that the number of Borana who had given up any interest in animals and were relying solely on cultivation was so small as to be almost irrelevant. Even those who had lost all their animals and found a plot on one of the irrigation schemes were trying to gather a few sheep and goats. This was most poignantly illustrated by the Sakuye lady of 84 years old who having lost everything since her husband died, has used the profits from her garden plot to buy 5 sheep and 3 chickens. This, after losing all ten of her sheep in 1992 to disease and wild animals. This example gives some indication of the resilience and the commitment of pastoralists to ownership of livestock.
The unusual opportunity afforded by the Ewaso Nyiro river.
The Waso Borana are probably atypical of pastoralists, again, as they have the great advantage of the Ewaso Nyro river to provide them with the possibility of irrigated cultivation. The Ministry of Agriculture has tried to capitalise on this potential through the ill fated schemes described in Chapters 2 and 5. The Borana have nothing but ridicule to pour on those plans and the way the schemes were operated by government people from the South. They have seen the benefits and possibilities of properly planned and implemented schemes like that at Gafarsa but the large scale project at Malka Daka is held up as an example of incompetence and corruption from those :outsiders who "thought they could show us how to plant their crops". This was one of the reasons for the rejection of the project - that the workers owned nothing and had no choice of what crop was planted. They were paid "15 shillings a day to plant and pick cotton which the government wanted to make money". This was considerably less than the national minimum wage at that time, and the fact that the project fields produced nothing that the people could eat led to real hardship and eventually, refusal to work . It was reported by some of the survivors of that scheme, that after the Kikuyu manager was imprisoned for all the money he had stolen, they were allowed to plant corn and beans, but by that time the irrigation had stopped as all the pumps were broken or buried in the river bed.
Lessons learned from the mistakes of imposed irrigation schemes.
One of the positive impressions to come out of the field research visit to Malka Daka was the chance to hear the determination of the people who remain there to learn the lessons from the past mistakes and to use gravity flow, as at the Gafarsa scheme, to be able to make at least some use of the fields that were prepared for the large scale Malka Daka project. The chief and elders only wanted some water engineer with his instruments to show them where to dig the channel and they were prepared to dig it by hand however long it took. They were convinced of the value of cultivation - as long as the local people operate it and they decide what crops will be planted.
This lesson seems to have also been learned by the latest irrigation scheme which was under construction at Merti in 1993. It was being built with foreign expertise and funds, under the guidance of Father Pius of course, but the ownership and operation of the scheme would be in the hands of the people who planted their plots in the scheme.
Conclusion regarding cultivation and pastoralism.
Cultivation amongst the Waso Borana appears to be seen as the most common and preferred alternative livelihood option because it allows them to stay near their families and animals. No reports were heard of anyone from the Merti or Garba Tula divisions who had left that area to cultivate elsewhere in Kenya, This did not seem to be an option, possibly because of over crowding in all agricultural areas of Kenya.
This confirms that pastoralists will accept cultivation as a supplement to their earning from livestock herding but not readily as an alternative to it. Where the potential exists for irrigated or rain fed cultivation, some members of the family will be likely to engage in it officially in local gardens or officially on schemes which allow them to own and operate their own plots, planting whatever crops they choose.
Other livelihood options.
Other livelihood options which were practiced by people from the Waso area are casual labourers and watchmen in cities, most frequently Nairobi, trading in between Isiolo and the southern towns, mostly in animals, working for the government as policemen, soldiers or school teachers, professional beggars in towns, especially women in Meru where there are many wealthy Muslims. There are a very few professionals such as businessmen, office workers but the most desirable career is to be a Member of Parliament.
7.6. The miraa trade and the Borana.
The effect of miraa on the Borana will be considered here as it does form a considerable part of the alternative livelihood of many of them.
The gains and costs of the miraa trade.
As noted in Chapter 6, there are many Borana, especially women, who make an income from selling miraa. It is relatively easy for them to obtain as the main miraa growing area of Kenya is situated immediately south of Isiolo district. In fact it can be bought any day in the markets within walking distance of the main town of Kinna at the southern end of Borana territory. With the decline of truck transport due to the Somali hold ups and shootings on the roads, desperate measures were needed to carry sacks of miraa the 20 or so kilometers through the bush to Kinna.
Whatever the financial gains may be from the miraa trade for a few individuals, most of the Borana pastoralists are able to see that the economic and social costs of the drug are very high
The evidence of the "Verandah dwellers".
Some of the evidence of this cost can be seen most conspicuously in the "Verandah dwellers", in the local towns like Isiolo, Garba Tula and Meru. There appear to be several thousand who are now addicted and debilitated in these towns close to the Waso area. There are reported to be even greater numbers scattered around the miraa markets of Nairobi, but less obvious as they become lost in the crowds of other addicts.
The chewing of miraa is probably the single greatest reason for the debilitation, demoralisation and destitution of a significant proportion of Borana - as also in many of the poorest people in the towns of Kenya. It is a moot question whether miraa appeals most to the poor as it helps them forget their hunger and misery or whether it is the addiction which reduces those people to poverty.
The effects of addiction on some Borana pastoralists.
The particular problem for the Borana is that they have so few alternative means of getting the money needed to buy their miraa that some of them succumb to the temptation to sell a goat or a sheep to satisfy that addiction. This will be seen as one of the problems to be faced in the next section concerning restocking where poor people who had become addicted to miraa could not resist the chance to satisfy their addiction by selling some of their newly acquired shoats.
Conclusions regarding the miraa habit and trade.
As a conclusion regarding the effects of miraa on the Borana there is little that can be added to the comments made in the findings that "the long term effects of miraa chewing is a problem not just for the Borana but for most of Kenya". It is a national problem which the national government will have to face. There are obvious commercial reasons why some people want the miraa trade to flourish and certain key figures in the country who have a considerable interest in seeing no restrictions placed on the trade at home or for export. Until those powerful objections to any change in the present situation can be overcome and the real cost to the nation exposed, the miraa trade like any other addictive commercial product will probably continue to flourish.
The Muslim lobby and miraa.
Any attempt to curtail the chewing of miraa would no doubt be complicated by the protests that would arise from the vociferous Muslim minority in Kenya claiming that it was a restriction of their religion. As noted in the findings the practice of chewing miraa is not limited only to Muslims but it has become an accepted practice supposed to help Muslims their prayers and fasting practices.
The effect of miraa on the Borana will be considered here as it does form a considerable part of the alternative livelihood of many of them.
The gains and costs of the miraa trade.
As noted in Chapter 6, there are many Borana, especially women, who make an income from selling miraa. It is relatively easy for them to obtain as the main miraa growing area of Kenya is situated immediately south of Isiolo district. In fact it can be bought any day in the markets within walking distance of the main town of Kinna at the southern end of Borana territory. With the decline of truck transport due to the Somali hold ups and shootings on the roads, desperate measures were needed to carry sacks of miraa the 20 or so kilometers through the bush to Kinna.
Whatever the financial gains may be from the miraa trade for a few individuals, most of the Borana pastoralists are able to see that the economic and social costs of the drug are very high
The evidence of the "Verandah dwellers".
Some of the evidence of this cost can be seen most conspicuously in the "Verandah dwellers", in the local towns like Isiolo, Garba Tula and Meru. There appear to be several thousand who are now addicted and debilitated in these towns close to the Waso area. There are reported to be even greater numbers scattered around the miraa markets of Nairobi, but less obvious as they become lost in the crowds of other addicts.
The chewing of miraa is probably the single greatest reason for the debilitation, demoralisation and destitution of a significant proportion of Borana - as also in many of the poorest people in the towns of Kenya. It is a moot question whether miraa appeals most to the poor as it helps them forget their hunger and misery or whether it is the addiction which reduces those people to poverty.
The effects of addiction on some Borana pastoralists.
The particular problem for the Borana is that they have so few alternative means of getting the money needed to buy their miraa that some of them succumb to the temptation to sell a goat or a sheep to satisfy that addiction. This will be seen as one of the problems to be faced in the next section concerning restocking where poor people who had become addicted to miraa could not resist the chance to satisfy their addiction by selling some of their newly acquired shoats.
Conclusions regarding the miraa habit and trade.
As a conclusion regarding the effects of miraa on the Borana there is little that can be added to the comments made in the findings that "the long term effects of miraa chewing is a problem not just for the Borana but for most of Kenya". It is a national problem which the national government will have to face. There are obvious commercial reasons why some people want the miraa trade to flourish and certain key figures in the country who have a considerable interest in seeing no restrictions placed on the trade at home or for export. Until those powerful objections to any change in the present situation can be overcome and the real cost to the nation exposed, the miraa trade like any other addictive commercial product will probably continue to flourish.
The Muslim lobby and miraa.
Any attempt to curtail the chewing of miraa would no doubt be complicated by the protests that would arise from the vociferous Muslim minority in Kenya claiming that it was a restriction of their religion. As noted in the findings the practice of chewing miraa is not limited only to Muslims but it has become an accepted practice supposed to help Muslims their prayers and fasting practices.
7.7. Restocking possibilities.
This component of appropriate development for pastoralists has been left to the last as it was probably the one which the Borana were least likely to identify and talk about spontaneously as being important. If the subject was raised and the possibilities presented then lots of interest could be generated and eagerly discussed.
Building on the precedents set by N.G.O.'s.
The writer acknowledges that it was usually his initiative which prompted these discussions after he had heard some of the younger Borana speak of their experience several years before when they assisted with a restocking programme. This was the one implemented by Richard Hogg, known by the Borana as Halakey, with the financial support of OXFAM. A review of this programme is recorded in the findings in Chapter 5, followed by an assessment of the restocking programme run by the Catholic mission at Garba Tula in 5.8..
N.G.O. funded and directed restocking programmes.
These two programmes were similar in that they were operated by men who were extraneous to the traditional Borana system of restocking and wealth redistribution being the responsibility of the clan.
In every discussion group where the subject of restocking was raised, the question was asked "What happens when a family loses all their animals, who will help them to recover? The answers provided a remarkably consistency of agreement as well as significant insights to a possible improvement to these N.G.O - led restocking programmes.
The traditional system of wealth redistribution.
The response from all the pastoralists was unanimous that the clan would take care of them. Several respondents added that they would not need to ask for help as the question suggested. The elders of the clan would take the initiative and responsibility to help a man who genuinely deserved it. It was acknowledged that this would not happen if a man lost his animals through his own laziness or irresponsibility such as those who drink too much or waste all their money on miraa. Other Borana volunteered that if a married man lost all his animals through such foolishness the elders would provide for his wife and children.
This sounded to a western ear to be quite unrealistic with what seemed to be the almost idealistic qualities of an indigenous welfare system but all the Borana pastoralists insisted unhesitatingly that this is what happens amongst the Borana herd owners.
During the interviews this researcher asked increasingly direct questions to try to alleviate his skepticism and incredulity but none of the herdsmen wavered in their confidence that this was true.
The benefit of belonging to a clan.
Another helpful informant pointed out that this was the great benefit of belonging to a clan. The clans were scattered throughout all the different lands occupied by the Borana, so if one area suffered overwhelming losses through drought or raids or outbreaks of disease there were other clan members in other places who could be relied upon to help.
The fact that the only interviewee who rejected this confidence in the ability of the clan to rehabilitate a pastoralists who had lost everything was the one representative of the Wata hunter-gatherer sub group of the Borana-speaking peoples is to be expected. The members of his ethnic group have no tradition of herding livestock so restocking was not practised by the Wato.
Traditional restocking methods and outside agency involvement.
If it is confirmed that the traditional system of the clans taking responsibility for restocking a family who had lost all their animals still functions in practice and not just in principle then this leads to some very obvious conclusions. If external arid agencies and their resources are used to fund and direct a restocking programme without the cooperation of the clan elders then this is going to diminish the role and responsibility of the elders in fulfilling their traditional systems of restocking and rehabilitating the poor. Another question that was introduced into the interview sessions after the restocking traditions began to emerge concerned the possibility of an N.G.O. or even a government department working together with the elders to foster and facilitate the traditional role of the clan elders. Would the clan elders be willing to give a number of animals to a poor family if the N.G.O. gave a similar number. The elders would decide who needed and deserved to be restocked and how many animals were required to rehabilitate a family. The N.G.O. and the clan would then share that responsibility to provide the animals. This principle of "matching grants" was readily accepted by all the pastoralists involved in the discussions as a very good thing which needs to be tried to see how workable it would be. There were many elders amongst those taking part in these sessions and the closest questioning failed to produce any objections or even reservations.
Cows or goats and where from?
The only other question which arose was that of where the animals would come from to provide the restocking herds. This arose from comments about the method used by the previous N.G.O. restocking programmes to procure the animals to be given away. These are recorded in the findings Chapter 5.8, "Where should the animals come from?" The chief complaint about Halakey's programme was that he bought and chose the animals himself and gave them to people who he selected himself. The Catholic mission restocking programmes used traders to find and bring the animals from wherever they chose to procure them. This resulted in a big proportion of sick and sterile animals being brought in. The Borana pastoralists suggested that it could be better to buy shoats from the herds of local men who had many. It would then be known whether the animals were healthy and fertile and anyone who tried to sell an unfit one would also be known and dealt with. The obvious objection to this proposal is that it will make men with many shoats richer. This was answered with natural pastoralist logic that most of the money would then be used to buy cows or even camels. As these eat different sorts of vegetation then exchanging goats for cows is better for local grazing. It is not good to keep on bringing in all shoats as the Catholic Father did at Garba Tula. It would be better to bring in more cows and let those with many shoats exchange them at the going market rates. This way the balance of animals as the grazing would be better distributed and the large herds of shoats redistributed between more people. Goats in particular are very destructive in their grazing habits but there was unanimous agreement that they and to a lesser degree sheep are the best animals to give to a poor man who needed to rebuild his herd.
Recommendations about restocking possibilities.
From these comments plus the detailed record of the findings made regarding restocking in Chapter 6.7 it is possible to make the following recommendations.
1. Restocking the impoverished pastoralists who has lost his animals through no fault of his own is an appropriate part of a development programme.
2. It is well known, accepted and practiced by the Borana - being the responsibility of the clan elders.
3. Any outside agency who wants to assist in restocking needs to work within the traditional system of clan responsibility for restocking.
4. The clan elders need to be involved at every stage, particularly in the choice of families needing and deserving to be restocked.
5. The clan elders will decide how many animals should be given to the families being restocked and together with the outside agency will agree where those animals will come from.
6. The outside agency can act as facilitators and funders if animals are to be bought from local herds or from farther afield but it will be understood that their contribution will not be finalised until the clan contribution has been fulfilled.
7. It may be possible for the outside donor agency to bring in suitable cattle which could then be exchanged locally for shoats from those with large herds.
8. The clan elders will be responsible for the on going monitoring of the restocked herd, to ensure that the recipient does not sell any of the animals for a specified period of one year of two years as they think fit. This will minimise the chance of squandering or irresponsible behaviour.
This component of appropriate development for pastoralists has been left to the last as it was probably the one which the Borana were least likely to identify and talk about spontaneously as being important. If the subject was raised and the possibilities presented then lots of interest could be generated and eagerly discussed.
Building on the precedents set by N.G.O.'s.
The writer acknowledges that it was usually his initiative which prompted these discussions after he had heard some of the younger Borana speak of their experience several years before when they assisted with a restocking programme. This was the one implemented by Richard Hogg, known by the Borana as Halakey, with the financial support of OXFAM. A review of this programme is recorded in the findings in Chapter 5, followed by an assessment of the restocking programme run by the Catholic mission at Garba Tula in 5.8..
N.G.O. funded and directed restocking programmes.
These two programmes were similar in that they were operated by men who were extraneous to the traditional Borana system of restocking and wealth redistribution being the responsibility of the clan.
In every discussion group where the subject of restocking was raised, the question was asked "What happens when a family loses all their animals, who will help them to recover? The answers provided a remarkably consistency of agreement as well as significant insights to a possible improvement to these N.G.O - led restocking programmes.
The traditional system of wealth redistribution.
The response from all the pastoralists was unanimous that the clan would take care of them. Several respondents added that they would not need to ask for help as the question suggested. The elders of the clan would take the initiative and responsibility to help a man who genuinely deserved it. It was acknowledged that this would not happen if a man lost his animals through his own laziness or irresponsibility such as those who drink too much or waste all their money on miraa. Other Borana volunteered that if a married man lost all his animals through such foolishness the elders would provide for his wife and children.
This sounded to a western ear to be quite unrealistic with what seemed to be the almost idealistic qualities of an indigenous welfare system but all the Borana pastoralists insisted unhesitatingly that this is what happens amongst the Borana herd owners.
During the interviews this researcher asked increasingly direct questions to try to alleviate his skepticism and incredulity but none of the herdsmen wavered in their confidence that this was true.
The benefit of belonging to a clan.
Another helpful informant pointed out that this was the great benefit of belonging to a clan. The clans were scattered throughout all the different lands occupied by the Borana, so if one area suffered overwhelming losses through drought or raids or outbreaks of disease there were other clan members in other places who could be relied upon to help.
The fact that the only interviewee who rejected this confidence in the ability of the clan to rehabilitate a pastoralists who had lost everything was the one representative of the Wata hunter-gatherer sub group of the Borana-speaking peoples is to be expected. The members of his ethnic group have no tradition of herding livestock so restocking was not practised by the Wato.
Traditional restocking methods and outside agency involvement.
If it is confirmed that the traditional system of the clans taking responsibility for restocking a family who had lost all their animals still functions in practice and not just in principle then this leads to some very obvious conclusions. If external arid agencies and their resources are used to fund and direct a restocking programme without the cooperation of the clan elders then this is going to diminish the role and responsibility of the elders in fulfilling their traditional systems of restocking and rehabilitating the poor. Another question that was introduced into the interview sessions after the restocking traditions began to emerge concerned the possibility of an N.G.O. or even a government department working together with the elders to foster and facilitate the traditional role of the clan elders. Would the clan elders be willing to give a number of animals to a poor family if the N.G.O. gave a similar number. The elders would decide who needed and deserved to be restocked and how many animals were required to rehabilitate a family. The N.G.O. and the clan would then share that responsibility to provide the animals. This principle of "matching grants" was readily accepted by all the pastoralists involved in the discussions as a very good thing which needs to be tried to see how workable it would be. There were many elders amongst those taking part in these sessions and the closest questioning failed to produce any objections or even reservations.
Cows or goats and where from?
The only other question which arose was that of where the animals would come from to provide the restocking herds. This arose from comments about the method used by the previous N.G.O. restocking programmes to procure the animals to be given away. These are recorded in the findings Chapter 5.8, "Where should the animals come from?" The chief complaint about Halakey's programme was that he bought and chose the animals himself and gave them to people who he selected himself. The Catholic mission restocking programmes used traders to find and bring the animals from wherever they chose to procure them. This resulted in a big proportion of sick and sterile animals being brought in. The Borana pastoralists suggested that it could be better to buy shoats from the herds of local men who had many. It would then be known whether the animals were healthy and fertile and anyone who tried to sell an unfit one would also be known and dealt with. The obvious objection to this proposal is that it will make men with many shoats richer. This was answered with natural pastoralist logic that most of the money would then be used to buy cows or even camels. As these eat different sorts of vegetation then exchanging goats for cows is better for local grazing. It is not good to keep on bringing in all shoats as the Catholic Father did at Garba Tula. It would be better to bring in more cows and let those with many shoats exchange them at the going market rates. This way the balance of animals as the grazing would be better distributed and the large herds of shoats redistributed between more people. Goats in particular are very destructive in their grazing habits but there was unanimous agreement that they and to a lesser degree sheep are the best animals to give to a poor man who needed to rebuild his herd.
Recommendations about restocking possibilities.
From these comments plus the detailed record of the findings made regarding restocking in Chapter 6.7 it is possible to make the following recommendations.
1. Restocking the impoverished pastoralists who has lost his animals through no fault of his own is an appropriate part of a development programme.
2. It is well known, accepted and practiced by the Borana - being the responsibility of the clan elders.
3. Any outside agency who wants to assist in restocking needs to work within the traditional system of clan responsibility for restocking.
4. The clan elders need to be involved at every stage, particularly in the choice of families needing and deserving to be restocked.
5. The clan elders will decide how many animals should be given to the families being restocked and together with the outside agency will agree where those animals will come from.
6. The outside agency can act as facilitators and funders if animals are to be bought from local herds or from farther afield but it will be understood that their contribution will not be finalised until the clan contribution has been fulfilled.
7. It may be possible for the outside donor agency to bring in suitable cattle which could then be exchanged locally for shoats from those with large herds.
8. The clan elders will be responsible for the on going monitoring of the restocked herd, to ensure that the recipient does not sell any of the animals for a specified period of one year of two years as they think fit. This will minimise the chance of squandering or irresponsible behaviour.
7.8. Other recommendations for appropriate development.
After this research was completed the writer came across several instances and articles about Ostrich farming. This is a modern development in exotic agriculture catering to the popular demand for meat with the lowest fat content. It has been introduced in several countries such as South Africa, Kenya and Zimbabwe as well as in the United States where it is proving extremely profitable. Prices are paid of up to $5,000 for a mature bird, $500 for a fertile egg. The skin can apparently be worth almost as much as the meat of an adult bird. The author recalled that the most common wildlife seen wandering around in Eastern Isiolo are Ostriches, sometimes dozens of them in one flock. He also remembered hearing the Borana say that they do not kill these birds as nobody eats them, even in the worst famine time. The children would sometimes go and steal the eggs from the nests as a sport and they had learned that if the eggs are removed the hen birds will keep on laying in that nest. If the eggs are not taken then the birds stop laying when there is a sufficient number. My informants were not sure how many eggs that entailed but they said that all the females in one "harem" laid their eggs in the same nest . The male rears and guards the chicks when they are hatched. It is not hard to see the potential here for commercial 'free range' Ostrich farming to be practiced by the Borana. This is a subject which warrants further investigation but first and foremost to be discussed with the Borana. Any commercial export of eggs or young birds would also require delicate preliminary negotiations with Government officials.
After this research was completed the writer came across several instances and articles about Ostrich farming. This is a modern development in exotic agriculture catering to the popular demand for meat with the lowest fat content. It has been introduced in several countries such as South Africa, Kenya and Zimbabwe as well as in the United States where it is proving extremely profitable. Prices are paid of up to $5,000 for a mature bird, $500 for a fertile egg. The skin can apparently be worth almost as much as the meat of an adult bird. The author recalled that the most common wildlife seen wandering around in Eastern Isiolo are Ostriches, sometimes dozens of them in one flock. He also remembered hearing the Borana say that they do not kill these birds as nobody eats them, even in the worst famine time. The children would sometimes go and steal the eggs from the nests as a sport and they had learned that if the eggs are removed the hen birds will keep on laying in that nest. If the eggs are not taken then the birds stop laying when there is a sufficient number. My informants were not sure how many eggs that entailed but they said that all the females in one "harem" laid their eggs in the same nest . The male rears and guards the chicks when they are hatched. It is not hard to see the potential here for commercial 'free range' Ostrich farming to be practiced by the Borana. This is a subject which warrants further investigation but first and foremost to be discussed with the Borana. Any commercial export of eggs or young birds would also require delicate preliminary negotiations with Government officials.